Originally published on Global Voices

Huai Hin Lad Nai community members harvesting rice in their rotational farming land during the November 2024 harvest season. Photo and caption by Ratcha Satitsongtham. Source: Prachatai, content partner of Global Voices. Used with permission.

This article written by Anna Lawattanatrakul, with additional reporting from Ratcha Satitsongtham, was published by Prachatai, an independent news site in Thailand. An edited version has been republished by Global Voices under a content-sharing agreement

Nestled in the mountains of Chiang Rai’s Wiang Pa Pao District is Huai Hin Lad Nai village, an Indigenous Karen community that has been named Thailand’s first Indigenous way of life protection zone. The community lives on over 10,000 rai (1,600 hectares) of forest land, only 1,632 of which are utilized. Their efforts have won them several conservation awards, including the UN Forest Hero Award.

In September 2024, the community was devastated by floods and landslides, which were described as a once-in-a-lifetime disaster.

The community was subsequently accused of causing the flood. Several video clips and news reports alleged that the community’s rotational farming tradition involves deforestation. One Facebook page posted an aerial picture of the community and claimed that their practice of monocropping means that trees cannot grow on the mountain, while some academics have claimed that they were responsible for deforestation and the resulting natural disaster.

Civil society organizations said that such media reports perpetuate a negative stereotype of Indigenous communities and that they added insult to injury by spreading misinformation against a community suffering from the effects of a natural disaster.

The community is now well on its way to recovery, but debates continue about the role of traditional knowledge in disaster prevention and whether Indigenous communities should be given a larger role in disaster response.

A once-in-a-lifetime disaster

Nivate Siri, 68, one of the Huai Hin Lad Nai community leaders, said that the floods and landslides came after days of constant heavy rain, and that he has never seen such severe landslides in the village.

Experts explained that it was the kind of disaster that happens once every few centuries, according to Nivate. He noted that some of the community’s rice paddies and tea plantations were damaged in the flood, and that some families lost their pigs —a significant source of their livelihood.

Meanwhile, Chaithawat Chomti, another community member, said he was in Chiang Mai when he learned about the flood. In the weeks after, he was responsible for coordinating a command center overseeing the relief effort. The road up to Huai Hin Lad Nai was blocked. There was no running water, and phone signals were disrupted while the rain continued.

Once the community has recovered, Chaithawat said, they would have to use what they learned during the disaster and come up with a long-term monitoring system. He would also like Huai Hin Lad Nai to become a model community in disaster response and for them to share information with other communities living in high-risk areas.

Victims of the climate crisis

Climate change and the lingering effects of past logging concessions are probably responsible for the landslides, according to a research project presented at a February 2025 event organized by the Huai Hin Lad Nai community and several organizations and institutions.

Jatuporn Teanma, lecturer at Maha Sarakham University’s Faculty of Environment and Resource Studies, said that a La Niña weather pattern caused heavy rain in northern Thailand at the time of the floods. He also noted that a monsoon that should have moved into Myanmar stopped in Chiang Rai, causing continuous rain in the area.

Jatuporn also said that landslides occurred in areas previously open to logging concessions before 1989. He said that this is why the remaining trees in these areas are mostly softwoods, which are not economically valuable and less resiliant to softened soil.

The research also found that the landslides occurred in forest areas protected by the community, which were not used for farming.

The Huai Hin Lad Nai village in October 2024, while community members are cleaning up after the landslides.
Photo and caption by Ratcha Satitsongtham. Source: Prachatai, content partner of Global Voices. Used with permission.

From victims to participants

Community leader Preecha Siri, 70, explained that there are often warning signs before heavy rain. Big-headed turtles and crabs in nearby streams would move to higher ground — all of which he noticed in the days before the flood. He also said that it was unusually hot.

Since the landslides, Nivate said that community members have kept watch around the village to guard against further incidents. Following knowledge passed down among their community, they observe the activities of animals, like insects and turtles. Animals moving to higher ground means a storm is coming, Nivate said.

In additional to traditional knowledge, Siri added that the community should be utilizing technology and science to come up with a response plan. He would like information to be collected and passed from generation to generation.

But many of Thailand’s Indigenous communities are now unable to fully utilize their traditional wisdom. Prohibitive conservation laws and the public bias against Indigenous communities living in forest areas mean that they are no longer able to live according to their traditional way of life, and despite being a signatory to the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), Thailand has never officially recognized any community as Indigenous.

Suwichan Phatthanaphraiwan, a lecturer at Mae Fa Luang University’s Liberal Arts School, said that the traditional way of life of Indigenous Karen communities, from how they build their houses to farming methods and predicting the weather from animal behavior, lends itself to disaster response and relief.

Traditional houses, often single-storey and built on stilts to avoid flooding, are often seen as temporary by officials. Karen people are, therefore, denied permanent addresses and do not have access to basic infrastructure like electricity and water, leading communities to turn to modern designs so they can gain access to these necessities.

And while in the past, communities have learned from history and move from place to place to avoid disaster, they are now unable to do so. Suwichan said that conservation laws now control the communities’ way of life, and they are forced to remain in areas they know are at risk. Some no longer let their animals roam the forest, partly out of fear that they would face prosecution, which means that they have less opportunity to patrol the forest and observe the signs that would warn them that danger is coming.

All roads lead to constitutional amendments

For Songkrant Pongboonjan, a lecturer at Chiang Mai University’s Faculty of Law, the obstacle lies in Thailand’s legal system. He explained that Thai law does not recognize communal ownership, although this has always been part of the Karen culture. Resources are therefore either privately-owned or state-owned, and the state-owned ones are completely managed by the government. Thai forestry and conservation laws are written to give the government total control of forest lands and resources, and even communities that have lived on the land before laws were enacted have no right to them.

Not only are systems of communal ownership incompatible with existing legislation, but the general public also often has pre-conceived biases against Indigenous ways of life. Songkrant noted how textbooks have perpetuated the idea that Indigenous communities caused deforestation by practicing “slash-and-burn” farming when, in reality, they practice a rotational farming method where they rotate around designated plots of land, allowing the soil to recover during the rotation and reducing the risk of soil erosion.

Centralization is part of the problem, Songkrant said. Such a system, Songkrant said, is inefficient. The fact that local governments are not authorized to respond to emergent situations and have to wait for an agency in Bangkok to act means disaster response takes time. Meanwhile, as natural disasters become more extreme, it becomes more apparent that the current system cannot handle them.

Activists are asking for constitutional amendments to fix the root of the issues. The 1997 Constitution, which was said to be one of the most progressive, was repealed after Thailand’s 2006 military coup. It protected the rights of communities and individuals to participate in the management of natural resources and the environment.

As the fundamental document that serves as the basis for other legislation, Songkrant said that the Constitution should clarify that natural resources belong to every citizen, not the state.

Songkrant said that if community rights to resources are protected, then it cannot be illegal for them to utilize these resources. Noting that he does not disagree with implementing strict measures to protect uninhabited forest areas with sensitive ecosystems, Songkrant said that it would be unfair to communities already living in forest areas if they are evicted or prohibited from using their ancestral land, and there needs to be different measures for these areas.

In December 2024, the Huai Hin Lad Nai community held a traditional hand-tying ceremony to bless the community after the disaster. Photo and caption by Ratcha Satitsongtham. Source: Prachatai, content partner of Global Voices. Used with permission.

Originally published on Global Voices

Participants in an anti-war concert in Bangkok lit candles in the shape of a peace sign in memory of the lives lost in the Thailand-Cambodia border conflict and to call for peace. Photo from the Facebook post of Prachatai, a content partner of Global Voices.

This article was published by Prachatai, an independent news site in Thailand. An edited version has been republished by Global Voices under a content-sharing agreement.

Between July and May 2025, tensions between Thailand and Cambodia over a border dispute devolved into violence that left at least 43 dead on both sides, dozens injured, and hundreds of thousands of people displaced. Despite signing a ceasefire agreement on July 28, hostility has remained deeply embedded in both countries, fueled by misinformation. Amidst the turmoil, Cambodians and Thais have come together to launch a cross-border campaign aimed at combating hatred and promoting empathy and lasting peace.

Thailand and Cambodia share over 700 kilometres of border, where several undemarcated sections have been long-standing sources of conflict between the two countries, since the Preah Vihear dispute beginning in the 1950s, to this year when clashes broke out on May 28th and led to fatalities on July 24th. On top of that, the countries also share historical and cultural ties, which have complicated the tensions between them, leading to deep-rooted hostility between the two peoples.

Hostility skyrocketed after the July 24 armed conflict as the conflict between the two governments trickled down to all facets of society. Cambodian and Thai netizens traded accusations on who initiated the clashes.

“We see all the problems start to unfold, and when hatreds, prejudice, and discrimination on people’s level have gone online, it was even more devastating for us, and that's why we decided to come together on the Cambodian side to rally among ourselves,” said Lim Solinn, a Cambodian social activist and artist. She later reached out to friends in Thailand in different places and then stumbled upon a group of Thai people who are a network of solidarity.

Ou Tepphallin, a Cambodian labor rights activist and campaign co-organizer, said she joined the campaign to address the suffering of migrant workers and communities caught in the crossfire of recent tensions, particularly Cambodian workers in Thailand and Thai workers in Cambodia.

They faced physical violence and racism, and they were living with fear, so their voices were unheard. On top of that, children living along the border have lost opportunities to study due to the closure of border crossings. Family members were separated, such as a child whose mother was in Thailand but whose father was in Phnom Penh, and they have no idea when they can be reunited.

In addition, according to the Thai authorities, the conflict since July 24th has also caused over 500,000 Cambodian migrant workers in Thailand to return home, since most of them felt unsafe and threatened in Thailand. This has left Thailand with a significant labor shortage as Cambodian migrants typically played an essential role in the country's agricultural industry.

Solinn stated that both Thai and Cambodian campaign organizers want the campaign to go viral in both countries and send messages to leaders saying, “Please don't use violence on Cambodian or Thai migrant workers.”

The campaigners are also trying to figure out catchy ways for this campaign to go viral and reach regular Thais and Cambodians. The campaign includes writing poems and making songs, which they believe could help calm people and encourage them not to hate simply because of what they heard or saw on the news.

“We’re just starting, even if the war ends tomorrow, the hatred continues, so we need to continue this work and reach out to more communities in Cambodia and in Thailand,” said Solinn.

Phallin added that it's time to heal those who suffered from both sides, and that is what the campaign did by starting to send healing messages to ordinary people.

When hatred is louder than empathy

In Thailand, when the armed conflict erupted and innocent Thai civilians and military personnel were killed, many Thai netizens demanded tit for tat retaliation. In addition, right-wing influencers have threatened Cambodian migrant workers and called on patriots to use violence against them.

Often, those who oppose this and call for a peaceful approach face condemnation online for being too optimistic or unpatriotic.

“All the ordinary Cambodians want nothing but peace and harmony with our neighbours, and a lot of people get caught in between these polarizations, and because of the level of their vulnerability, they cannot get their voices heard at all,” noted Solinn.

On the Cambodian side, Solinn remarked that while they wanted peace and for this war to stop, most Cambodians also became enraged and emotional when they saw news about civilians being affected, schools being bombed, or news that many people were displaced.

She disclosed that since she and her friends launched the campaign, she has been harassed by netizens from both countries. For her, it has been difficult to get through to people how the hyper-nationalistic, violent narratives are spreading hate. Solinn said:

They have been misinformed and disinformed. They believe these sets of stories, and they have these perspectives, and it's hard to change. So, instead of trying to tell them a different version, we’re trying to appeal to their consciousness. We try to appeal to their empathy.

Even though most of the information they received was not real, it was effective as it was coupled with prejudice, stereotyping, and hate speech amplified by social media. “It has added fuel to the fire of ultra nationalist perspectives. It just made it really hard for people to try to bridge across for people who are like us,” said Solinn.

She insisted that engaging with the same outrage and accusing each other of doing what each side thinks is wrong will not improve the situation, particularly for disputes that have been going on for hundreds of years, based on selective history from both sides.

Solinn emphasized that it was time to put people’s lives first. Children should be able to return to school instead of living in refugee camps, families should be able to earn their livelihoods again, and both countries need to recognize the damage the conflict has inflicted on their economies.

A call for peace: rebuilding trust and fostering empathy

“We would like to urge the leaders to sit down and find a peaceful resolution and put the people first,” said Phallin. She also urged the leaders to negotiate and rebuild trust, insisting that peace can be achieved only by negotiation, not war.

In the meantime, Solinn urged the leaders to be compassionate and gentle and to reach a peaceful resolution, adding that a tremendous amount of strength is required. The campaign organizer also called on leaders on both sides to stop this war and allow everything to return to normal for the sake of the innocent people from both countries.

She suggested that Thailand and Cambodia stop promoting biases and stereotypes based on selective interpretations of history, particularly for the younger generations.

Solinn also believes that when this war ends, Thais and Cambodians will come together to create mixed communities where people from both sides could share safe spaces and raise awareness of peace and harmony.

“Educating in school or through the media wouldn't be enough. We need all the spaces, all the communities, we need a whole society to heal and to promote racial tolerance, peace, solidarity, and harmony,” said Phallin.

In terms of media, Solinn said media, particularly mainstream media, in both countries should not amplify hateful rhetoric, which has already been dominant on social media, but rather people’s stories, which would help promote reconciliation and peace, suggesting that selective parts of the history on both sides shouldn’t be allowed to frame the whole narrative about Thailand and Cambodia.

She noted that we did not know everything, but only heard different sides of the story. Each side believed the other started the war first or believed that the other side encroached upon their land.

“Trust is so fragile. It's so easy to break, and it's broken already. It's very hard to rebuild, but we must try. We do not have a choice,” noted Solinn.

Originally published on Global Voices

Cambodian workers are leaving Thailand amid the border row between the two nations. Screenshot from YouTube video of Thai PBS World. Fair use.

This article was published by Prachatai, an independent news site in Thailand. An edited version has been republished by Global Voices under a content-sharing agreement.

For the past few months, tensions have been rising at the Thai-Cambodian border as the two countries enter another territorial dispute. On July 24, the dispute escalated into an armed conflict, which lasted five days before Thailand and Cambodia agreed to a ceasefire in a meeting mediated by Malaysia as the current ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) Chair.

Meanwhile, a wave of nationalism is rising in both countries. In Thailand, right-wing influencers are threatening violence against Cambodian migrant workers and calling on patriots to join them.

For example, a Cambodian worker in Bangkok’s Minburi District was assaulted by a group of men, according to a video clip that has been circulating online since July 25. Khaosod reported on July 26 that three Cambodian workers were injured after being attacked by a group of assailants. The police also noted that they saw posts on social media calling on Thais to show their patriotism by attacking Cambodians.

Living in fear

Villagers in Myanmar wearing the distinctive thankakha cream. Image from Wikipedia CC BY-SA 3.0

The hateful rhetoric and physical threats mean fear is now spreading among the Cambodian community in Thailand. Adisorn Kerdmongkol of Migrant Working Group (MWG), a network of civil society organizations working on protections for migrant workers, said some Cambodian workers are putting thanakha cream on their faces before leaving home so people would think that they are from Myanmar.

Made from grinding the bark of the thanakha tree, the yellow paste is used by people from Myanmar as skincare. While workers from Myanmar were previously targets of harassment by right-wing groups because of their anti-Myanmar junta activism, Adisorn said that presenting as being from Myanmar now provides safety for Cambodian workers who have instead become targets.

Adisorn noted that, whether they are targeting workers from Cambodia or from Myanmar, these right-wing groups often claim to target “troublemakers.” However, the escalating violence means that everyone is living in fear. Right-wing activists have even begun going door-to-door, asking if any Cambodians live there, or raiding construction sites and waiting around to attack Cambodian workers.

These threats continue, Adisorn said, despite a warning from police spokesperson Archayon Kraithong, who said on July 25 that he is aware that Thai people are angry, but that assault is a crime and will be prosecuted. He also asks people to be careful about using violent or inappropriate language online because it could escalate the situation and affect international relations.

The groups often say that they are trying to find “illegal migrants,” but Adisorn said that they were threatening everyone, regardless of their immigration status.

Adisorn said that these right-wing groups have gone into shops that employ migrants, demanded to know where the owner is and whether the employees have work permits, which is not something required by law. They have also been accompanied by police and labour officials, he said, alleging that they have some influence over the officials.

Adisorn noted that threats against Cambodian migrants intensified after Thai soldiers were injured after stepping on land mines amid the border disputes. When Thai and Cambodian troops began clashing at the border, the right-wing groups that once targeted migrants from Myanmar suddenly turned against Cambodian workers.

Thai economy to take a hit as workers flee

Adisorn said that Cambodian workers are choosing to leave Thailand in droves, while those who remain are only waiting for traffic at the border to clear before they go.

Those who stay are not only living in fear of being assaulted but also of exploitation by government officials. Adisorn said that officials are becoming more strict with the escalating situation, and many workers who are in the process of extending their permits are concerned that officials would take advantage of the situation and exploit them.

Cambodian refugees in Thailand are also facing a heightened risk, Adisorn said, as most are undocumented and officials have stopped conducting the appropriate checks as the tensions worsen. He noted that they are often political refugees fleeing threats from the Cambodian government, and that Cambodian communities are now paranoid and keeping to themselves.

Around 500,000 Cambodian workers hold permits to work in Thailand. Adisorn said that most are in the service and agricultural sectors, as well as in construction. These sectors will be affected if workers leave and do not return. He said that the harvest season is coming up for fruit orchards in Thailand's eastern provinces, and by October, it will be time to harvest sugarcane, which must be done within a limited timeframe. These industries rely heavily on Cambodian migrants to do the hard labor, and an entire year’s work would be wasted without them.

Damaged reputation

Adisorn is concerned that threats against Cambodian workers will damage Thailand’s global reputation.

The Phnom Penh Post reported that on July 28, Cambodian Minister of Labor and Vocational Training Heng Sour presented pictures in a tripartite workshop with the Labor Ministry, the International Labor Organization (ILO), and representatives of employer and worker organizations. They allegedly show a Cambodian worker attacked by “Thai extremists.” He condemned the violence as “unacceptable and a grave violation of human rights,” and claimed that migrants who do not speak Thai have been beaten on suspicion of being Cambodian.

The Cambodian Ministry of Labor and Vocational Training has called for a boycott of Thai products. In an open letter dated July 27, addressed to global brands, buyers, and consumers of Thai products, the Ministry raises concerns about violence and harassment against Cambodian migrant workers in Thailand and called on the Thai authorities to ensure the safety, dignity, and fair treatment of migrant workers.

The Thai government has issued a response. On July 26, spokesperson of the Deputy Prime Minister’s Office, Anukool Pruksanusak, said that the Thai government does not condone violence against Cambodian migrants who are not involved in the conflict and warned that anyone attacking migrants will face charges.

On July 30, Prime Minister’s Office spokesperson Jirayu Huangsap responded to the open letter, stating that Thailand does not mistreat Cambodian workers but is trying to improve conditions for them. He cited a July 22 Cabinet Resolution allowing Cambodian workers to extend their stay without having to leave the country to renew their border passes, and said that Thai manufacturers have never responded with calls to boycott Cambodian products.

Images sent to employers in Chumphon and Chachoengsao asking them to monitor the activities of their Cambodian employees. Photo and caption from Prachatai, content partner of Global Voices. Used with permission.

Action needed

But for Adisorn, without concrete action, the warnings are hollow. Thai authorities are not doing enough to ensure that workers feel safe enough to stay, Adisorn said. Instead of implementing safety measures for migrant workers, it would appear that officials are prioritizing monitoring the activities of Cambodian workers.

In a screenshot of a chat group on the messaging application Line provided by Adisorn, employers in Chumphon received a message on July 26 asking them to monitor the Cambodian migrants they employ and to notify the Chumphon Employment Office if the workers cause a disturbance or leave the area. The employers were also asked to raise awareness that Thailand does not intend to expel Cambodian workers.

Adisorn said that employers in other provinces received similar requests. In another image he provided, employers in Ratchaburi were also asked to ensure that their Cambodian employees follow the law and avoid political gatherings.

I asked in a provincial employment office Line group if I have to notify them if a Cambodian worker is assaulted. They told me to call the police. When messages like this come out, it looks like we are not serious about protecting Cambodian workers.

Adisorn fears these measures also perpetuate stereotypes that Cambodian workers are troublemakers, and that anti-migrant sentiment would only grow. To rebuild trust between Thais and Cambodians, he suggested Thailand must take anti-migrant sentiments seriously and expedite investigations into attacks on Cambodian workers.

Originally published on Global Voices

A protester (center) standing in front of the Criminal Court on July 8, 2025, holding a picture of Anon Nampa (Photo by Ginger Cat). Source: Prachatai, content partner of Global Voices

This article was published by Prachatai, an independent news site in Thailand. An edited version has been republished by Global Voices under a content-sharing agreement.

Human rights lawyer and activist Anon Nampa has been sentenced to 2 years and 4 months in prison on charges of royal defamation and sedition, bringing his total prison sentence to 29 years and 1 month.

He was charged with royal defamation, sedition, participating in a gathering of more than 10 persons, and causing a breach of peace, as well as violations of the Emergency Decree, the Communicable Diseases Act, and the Public Assembly Act for participating in the November 17, 2020, protest in front of parliament to demand constitutional amendments.

Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) reported that the court found Anon guilty of royal defamation because it believed that, when he mentioned selfies and putting on an act in his speech, he was referring to King Vajiralongkorn’s visit to Udon Thani, in which he greeted supporters, and Princess Sirivannavari’s selfies with members of the public. Although Anon did not mention the King and the Princess by name, the Court said the speech was defamatory because it believed he was calling them fake. It is illegal in Thailand to “defame, insult, or threaten” the Thai royal family based on the controversial Lèse-majesté law.

The court noted that Anon often expressed his disagreement with the monarchy. Although he said he did not want to overthrow the monarchy by criticizing it, but wants it to co-exist with democracy and dignity, the court said that he should have found other, more appropriate ways of doing so.

Human rights lawyer and activist Anon Nampa has been sentenced to 2 years and 4 months in prison on charges of royal defamation and sedition.

Anon has so far been found guilty of 10 counts of royal defamation, 1 count of sedition, 1 count of violating the Emergency Decree, and 1… pic.twitter.com/PR98CdPNf9

— Prachatai English (@prachatai_en) July 9, 2025

Activist Parit Chiwarak also faced the same charges. However, he was found not guilty of royal defamation because his speech criticized the parliament building and its design, although he used it as a metaphor about the structure of society and the monarchy.

The court found Anon and Parit not guilty of participating in a gathering and causing a breach of peace and violations of the Emergency Decree, the Communicable Diseases Act, and the Public Assembly Act because the protest was held in an open space at a time when disease control measures declared during the COVID-19 pandemic were already being relaxed. The prosecution could not prove that they organized the protest, and so he was not responsible for notifying the authorities of the protest or keeping it peaceful. Sharing the Facebook post announcing the protest does not mean that they organized it.

The court ruled that the protest was peaceful, and that the right to protest is enshrined in the Constitution and international laws, and so could not be limited by the police. Anon and Parit also told the protesters to stay peaceful and not try to incite unrest. The court also noted that most of those injured by tear gas and water cannons were pro-democracy protesters, and so they were not the cause of the violence. Anon and Parit also did not threaten Parliament into passing constitutional amendment bills in their speeches.

Nevertheless, the court found Anon and Parit guilty of sedition because they announced the end of the protest and called for another protest the next day at the police headquarters.

Anon was sentenced to three years in prison for royal defamation, reduced to 2 years because the witness examination provided useful information. He was sentenced to 6 months for sedition, reduced to four months for the same reason, bringing his total prison sentence in this case to two years and four months.

Anon has so far been found guilty of 10 counts of royal defamation, one count of sedition, one count of violating the Emergency Decree, and one count of contempt of court. The latest verdict brought the total prison sentence he is facing for his activism to 26 years, 37 months, and 20 days, or around 29 years and 1 month. He has been detained pending appeal at the Bangkok Remand Prison since 26 September 2023.

Parit, meanwhile, was sentenced to six months in prison for sedition, later reduced to four months.

The November 17 protest took place at the same time as a special parliamentary session, during which senators and MPs discussed seven proposals for constitutional amendments, including the so-called “people’s draft,” proposed by iLaw, a legal watchdog NGO, and endorsed by 98,041 voters. None of the drafts were passed.

The protest was met with blockades and riot police. Tear gas and water mixed with chemical irritants from water cannons were fired at protesters occupying Samsen Road and Kiak Kai intersection. There were reports of more than 10 waves of tear gas being used on protesters, both in canister form and from the water cannon, as well as some clashes between pro-monarchy protesters and pro-democracy protest guards.

Originally published on Global Voices

Protesters gather around the Victory Monument to demand Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra's resignation. Photo from Prachatai's Flickr page. CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

This article was published by Prachatai, an independent news site in Thailand. An edited version has been republished by Global Voices under a content-sharing agreement.

Protesters gathered at the Victory Monument in central Bangkok on Saturday, June 28, to demand that Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra resign over a leaked call with Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen.

Holding national flags and signs with nationalist sentiments, the protesters gathered around a stage set up in front of the Monument and on the skywalk above the roundabout.

The protest was called by a group calling themselves the Thai Sovereignty Defence Group. Many of its leading figures were well-known leaders of previous protests, which led to the military coups of 2006 and 2014 that overthrew the elected governments of Thaksin Shinawatra, Paetongtarn’s father, and his sister Yingluck Shinawatra.

The group is demanding that Paetongtarn resign and for government coalition parties to withdraw from the government. They are also calling for people to join the protest to protect Thailand's sovereignty.

Paetongtarn has been under fire for the past 10 days after a recording of her phone call with the president of the Senate of Cambodia, Hun Sen, was leaked and promptly went viral. During the call, Paetongtarn discussed the border dispute with Cambodia, admitted she is facing domestic pressure from the military, and accused the 2nd Army Region commander of being an opponent of the government. This put her in the hot seat as people accused her of being a traitor or too naïve to be a leader as the call was seen as an attempt to appease Hun Sen. As dissatisfaction over her handling of the border dispute has grown, so have the calls for her to either resign or dissolve the House to make way for a new election. Thailand and Cambodia have a long history of border disputes and disagreements, but tensions seem to be boiling over in recent days.

The Prime Minister is also facing a barrage of legal complaints seeking her removal. On Monday, June 23, it was reported that the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) will launch an investigation into the leaked call, after a group of senators filed a complaint alleging a breach of ethics. Another complaint was filed with the Constitutional Court, seeking her removal for a breach of ethics and for her to be suspended while the case is under investigation. The Court has scheduled a meeting on July 1, sooner than the original meeting dates of July 8 and 15.

Pichit Chaimongkol, leader of the Network of Students and People for the Reform of Thailand, delivered a speech at the protest, saying that Paetongtarn has failed as a Prime Minister. She failed to handle economic issues and exploited the justice system to allow Thaksin to stay at the Police Hospital instead of in prison. The leaked phone call was the “final straw” that drove the protesters to demand her resignation. If she stays in office, he said, the country will also fall.

Protesters gathered around the Victory Monument, waving national flags and holding signs calling for the Prime Minister's resignation, and some with nationalist sentiment. Photo from the Flickr page of Prachatai. CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

In Chiang Mai, members of royalist groups and residents gather at the Three Kings Monuments for a protest backing the demands made by the protesters in Bangkok for Paetongtarn to resign and for government coalition parties to withdraw. Waving national flags, protesters sang the Thai National Anthem and other nationalist songs, and they took turns giving speeches criticizing Paetongtarn's handling of the border disputes and the leaked phone call. Some also expressed support for the 2nd Army Region commander and soldiers stationed at the border. Many said they participated in the protests against former Prime Minister Yingluck's government and are now demanding the resignation of Paetongtarn, Yingluck's niece.

Theera Wisitpanit, former lecturer at Chiang Mai University's Faculty of Agriculture, delivered a speech as a representative of the Chiang Mai People Love the King Network. He criticized Paetongtarn's lack of experience, her handling of economic issues, and her belittling of Thai soldiers in her phone call with Hun Sen. He said that Thai people should rise up to demand a more capable Prime Minister.

The Constitutional Court unanimously accepted the petition filed by 36 senators against the PM on Tuesday, July 1, and then voted 7 to 2 to suspend PM Paetongtarn from her prime ministerial duties. The PM has 15 days to submit her explanation and evidence. During this time, Deputy Prime Minister Suriya Juangroongruangkit will be the Acting Prime Minister.

In her response to the Court's deliberation, Paetongtarn asserted that the phone call was made to serve the country and protect Thailand's sovereignty, expressing an apology to the Thai people who were displeased with her remarks during the call. She also affirmed that she remained determined to serve the country regardless of her position.

Originally published on Global Voices

Relief vehicles from the Chiang Rai Migrant Workers Assistance Center heading to Mandalay. Photo from Facebook page of Suebsakun Kidnukorn

This article by Patchsita Rungrojtanakul was originally published by Prachatai, an independent news site in Thailand. An edited version has been republished by Global Voices under a content-sharing agreement.

Small groups of Thais and Myanmar nationals in Thailand are still working tirelessly to collect donations and deliver them to victims through grassroots networks, after the 7.7 magnitude earthquake centred in Sagaing and Mandalay, Myanmar, on March 28, 2025, believing that aid sent through the Myanmar junta may never reach those truly in need.

Myanmar’s junta has been able to provide only limited assistance to the public, as it continues to wage civil war. While the junta declared a ceasefire on April 2, due to the widespread damage from the quake, it has had little effect, with airstrikes continuing in areas controlled by opposition forces, including attacks on those affected by the disaster.

One month after the disaster, the death toll had reached 4,461, with 11,366 injured, according to a Democratic Voice of Burma's report, which cited data from the military government, the National Unity Government (NUG), and credible media sources.

While grassroots relief is believed to be one of the most effective ways to help, experts and organizers say these networks have to remain hidden from the Myanmar authorities, and some aid efforts are facing logistical challenges.

The junta’s obstruction and logistical obstacles have become even more restrictive as humanitarian aid efforts enter the rebuilding phase. Victims now need not only money and supplies, but also larger materials to rebuild their homes and lives.

From Samut Sakhon to Sagaing

“Normally, Friday is my day off. I was resting on the office sofa. But when I felt the tremors, I immediately knew what had happened,” said Ko Zaw, a 44-year-old man from Dawei.

Ko Zaw has lived in Thailand since his teenage years. At first, he didn’t speak a word of Thai, but after 20 years, he can communicate fluently without an interpreter.

The next day, he and about six friends began collecting donations and raised TBH 10,000 (USD 300). To date, the total has reached  TBH 400,000 (USD 12,250 ) — not a small amount, considering it was raised by migrant workers who themselves face many hardships in Thailand.

Ko Zaw said some donated just a few hundred baht via bank transfer, while others drove over to hand in cash directly. In some factories or companies, workers pooled their money to contribute amounts in the thousands or even tens of thousands of baht.

Ko Zaw said his group distributed funds to Sagaing and Mandalay through officials of the NUG, the civilian government-in-exile. He added that they also sent additional aid to Sagaing via members of the People’s Defence Force, the NUG’s armed wing.

Currently, most of the Sagaing region is under the control of pro-democracy resistance forces. According to a 2024 BBC investigation, “the military only has full control of 21 percent of Myanmar’s territory,” while “ethnic armies and a patchwork of resistance groups now control 42 percent of the country’s land mass.”

Mistrusting the junta

When asked why he chose to send funds to the resistance, Ko Zaw replied immediately: to him, not trusting the junta is just common sense.

Everyone knows that for the more than 70 years that Burma has had military governments, they put money into their pockets. They don’t help the people and we can’t check.

To prove the resistance’s trustworthiness, he showed photos of the donations being handed over by them, with the faces in the images blurred in advance.

Khin Omar, a founder of the human rights organization Progressive Voice, discussed the role of cross-border assistance at a public forum marking one month since the earthquake, organized by the Faculty of Social Sciences, Chiang Mai University.

This group has received very little humanitarian assistance from the international community. They are forced to flee airstrikes and conflict situations, and the military has blocked aid which should be sent to those fleeing the war.

There is only support from like-minded donors. In addition, there are donors working with civil society and organizations in local communities, health service providers of ethnic groups, or what can be called informal cross-border assistance. This has proven to be the most effective method of delivering aid to the most vulnerable groups in the country over the past four years.

Key players: workers’ communities

In Chiang Mai, an area with a sizable Myanmar migrant population, Sanimthoon (“Capital’s Rust”), a small Burmese restaurant, has become a key player in coordinating grassroots humanitarian aid efforts.

Five days after the earthquake, its Facebook page announced to donors that the amount of donations sent to each area would depend on the conditions in that area and the distribution capacity of the volunteer network. Most of the local volunteers are young people who face the risk of arrest or forced conscription.

Sanimthoon regularly provides updates on the ongoing aid efforts, including the transfer of funds through labour networks in Sagaing and Mandalay, and through teacher groups in Naypyidaw for further distribution. They also inform donors about what the transferred money will cover, including emergency shelters, mosquito nets, and water filters for remote villages, as well as the cost of transporting medicine from Thailand to Myanmar.

In these updates, the names of volunteers, communities, and local organizations in Myanmar are not disclosed for safety reasons. However, the names of organizations and networks in Thailand will be given with their consent to ensure transparency.

Regarding the money transfers, we keep the names and identities of the recipient organizations confidential for safety reasons. Sometimes, we can transfer money directly to volunteers, but at other times, we have to go through intermediaries in Thailand because the area is difficult, and even the representatives in Myanmar are at risk.

Even taking pictures of the donated money could be used by the Myanmar military as evidence to make arrests. Therefore, we do not ask volunteers to send back pictures of the donations. If it’s OK for them to send pictures back later, they must also rely on an internet connection.

Logistical challenges

Suebsakun Kidnukorn, a lecturer at the School of Social Innovation, Mae Fah Luang University, and coordinator of the Chiang Rai Migrant Workers Assistance Center, which he founded during the COVID-19 pandemic, said that humanitarian aid for earthquake victims in Myanmar has now entered the rebuilding phase, with a particular focus on housing.

This includes both severely damaged areas that need to be rebuilt and those that can still be repaired. At present, the most urgently needed items are mosquito nets, blankets, and materials for home repairs. However, when it comes to larger repair tools, transportation becomes a challenge for grassroots communities, making government-to-government agreements essential.

He recalls that shortly after the earthquake, the Chiang Rai Migrant Worker Assistance Center launched an emergency relief drive, collecting rice, dry foods, shrouds, and money. The initiative received strong support from the Myanmar migrant worker network and Myanmar students in Chiang Rai.

Relief items from the Center were sent to communities in Mandalay and Sagaing, the hardest-hit regions, including the town of Kyaukse in Mandalay. Thailand’s Chiang Rai borders the town of Tachileik in Myanmar’s Shan State. From there, goods can be transported by truck. Although this route does not pass through conflict zones, it takes more than three days to reach the destination.

The biggest obstacle to this effort is road conditions in Myanmar, which were severely damaged by the 2024 floods.

We coordinate with local organizations who provide assistance. The trucks carry visible signs, and transport visible items. There are certification letters [from the receiving organizations at the destination].

Suebsakun confirmed that the aid delivery does not go through the military government, but the names of the receiving organizations are withheld for security reasons.

“Outside of the major cities, the military already checks and then tries to block the flow of aid,” said Dr Tun Aung Shwe, a medical doctor and NUG’s representative in Australia. “They’re finding other ways. So it’s getting there, but it’s taking longer.”

*This report published by Prachatai is supported by IOM through the Migration Reporting Grant Program.

Originally published on Global Voices

A cook narrates the situation of detained Uyghurs in a rural detention center in Thailand. Image from Prachatai, a content partner of Global Voices.

This article by Prachatai, an independent news site in Thailand. An edited version has been republished by Global Voices under a content-sharing agreement.

For six years, Masiyah (pseudonym) prepared meals for Uyghur refugees detained at an immigration detention facility in rural Thailand. Delivering three meals a day, including special dishes during Ramadan, gradually fostered a bond between her and the detainees. In 2020, Masiyah entered into a romantic relationship with Polat (a pseudonym), one of the Uyghur refugees. She became like family to the detainees and eventually converted to Islam as her connection deepened.

Masiyah shared her experiences with Prachatai, shedding light on the living conditions inside the detention facility. Her account emerges amid growing international concern for the safety of 40 Uyghur refugees deported to China by the Thai government on February 27, 2025, a move that the Thai authorities claimed was “voluntary” despite concerns from human rights groups and Uyghur activists.

From meals to love

When the conversation turned to food and her relationship with Polat, Masiyah’s eyes lit up, and her voice grew noticeably brighter. She explained that the Uyghurs adhere to dietary rules more strictly than the Rohingya refugees she had previously served.

The Rohingya would eat spicy food and accept eating meat that I prepared, such as beef and chicken, and they wouldn’t be particularly strict. But they [the Uyghurs] were very concerned about [food being] halal. They did not accept chicken from me for about three years because they weren’t sure. I wasn’t Muslim then.

When Masiyah first began delivering meals, the Uyghurs were cautious and uncertain of her intentions. Due to Islamic customs limiting direct interaction between men and women, they chose Polat as their representative to speak with her.

The Uyghurs require halal food that isn't spicy and doesn't contain MSG. They avoid vegetables like Thai eggplant and squash but favor carrots, potatoes, and macaroni. The dishes she prepared for them included stir-fried broccoli, stir-fried Chinese cabbage with tofu or eggs, and massaman curry — a Thai dish that meets halal standards.

As their relationship deepened, Masiyah took on the role of mediator, assisting detainees in contacting their families and obtaining medication when they fell ill. While trust grew through shared meals and support, she believed it was her honesty that truly strengthened their bond.

They trust me because I make three meals every day — breakfast, lunch, and dinner. And during Ramadan, I also deliver food to them at night. They love me because even at 3 am, I still carry food to them.

Masiyah’s perception of the Uyghurs changed over time. They were not the frightening people she once imagined. Instead, they were gentle and considerate.

Some [Uyghurs] who have contact with their children, every time they ask about their children, they inquire how many chapters of the Quran their kids have memorized. I have never seen them talk of resentment that they have been imprisoned.

Originally a Buddhist like many Thais, Masiyah considered embracing Islam due to her frequent visits with Polat. Eventually, she decided to convert. “He would begin inviting me,” said Masiyah. “In the past, I drank a lot. He persuaded me to quit. I’ve quit alcohol for almost six years now. He always persuades me to do only good things.”

Apart from his positive influence on her, it was compassion that drew them closer and ultimately made them fall in love.

He never thought of making things difficult for me. He never asked me to do anything wrong. When we talked, I had the feeling that I could no longer disappear from him. I don’t know what the future will be like, but I’ll continue helping him like this because if I disappear, he won’t have anyone else to come and do it for him.

Escape from abuse

In 2014, Polat was among 220 Uyghurs arrested by the Thai police while attempting to cross into Malaysia. Prosecuted for illegal immigration, the group was later dispersed across detention centers throughout Thailand. The Uyghurs had fled Xinjiang, where the Chinese government maintains strict control despite the region's “autonomous” status and has faced widespread criticism for violations against the Muslim minority.

In 2016, Polat and six others were transferred to a facility in Mukdahan Province, where they remained detained for nearly a decade. Masiyah shared the detainees’ accounts of the Chinese authorities flooding Xinjiang with Han Chinese settlers, banning Islamic practices, and coercing Uyghurs into compromising their faith through acts such as performing cultural shows or drinking alcohol.

In search of better lives elsewhere, the Uyghurs instead ended up in Thailand's detention centers.

According to Masiyah's account, they were all forced to live together in a cramped 4×6 meter room with an attached bathroom. Due to the lack of ability to see beyond the confined space and the absence of sunlight, some developed vision problems. Moreover, they also endured physical abuse and derogatory remarks from the officers.

The condition of the detention cells is very bad. In the cell, there are two layers of bars: an inner layer and an outer layer. There are also zinc sheets blocking the view [outside] so no one can see them. The wind can't get in either.

One person inside here was physically abused because this person liked speaking Thai and would often answer back to some of the officers … so he was beaten badly. One of the Uyghurs once mentioned something about food, and [the officer] said, ‘They’re really making a fuss. These people should be made to eat pork.’

Polat's group attempted to escape twice. In 2019, they first broke out after tensions with the officers escalated when medical care was denied to a sick detainee. When the officers ordered them to be transferred to a larger detention room to reinforce the smaller one, they feared they would be beaten, which led to their escape.

After being recaptured, they served sentences in Mukdahan Prison before being returned to immigration detention. In 2020, they attempted to escape again. This time, they were sent to Klong Prem Prison for escaping custody and allegedly robbing villagers. Five of them, including Polat, remained in prison, while the other two, having completed their sentences, were among those deported to China on February 27.

Surprisingly, the Uyghurs prefer Klong Prem Prison over the Mukdahan Immigration Detention Centre. Masiyah explained:

They like it here [Klong Prem Prison] because there is a dining hall separate from the sleeping rooms, and they get to see sunlight. When it rains, they get wet. But at the Immigration Detention Centre (at Mukdahan), it was not okay at all … It’s worse than prison.

They have the feeling that they would rather stay in prison than in the Immigration Detention Centre because the environment is better. If they’re sick, they can see a doctor at the Medical Correctional Hospital. [But at Mukdahan IDC], to get out to see a doctor just once, requires a lot of officers. If it’s not serious, they won’t take them. But here, they can write a request. If they get sick from something, they can write a request and submit it to the medical unit.

Nobody wants to go back

“None of those who are in the cells wants to go back,” said Masiyah of Polat and his friends. “They just ask us to pray for them, to make du'a [supplication] for them, so that they can go to a third country, so that they escape from China.”

Masiyah does not believe that the 40 Uyghur detainees at the Immigration Office on Suan Phlu would voluntarily return to China.

According to a press release from the Thai government on February 27, the Chinese government officially requested the deportation of 45 Uyghurs who had been detained for over 10 years for illegally entering Thailand, except for a few who had escaped from custody and assaulted officers.

These include Polat and four others, whose crimes have ironically saved them. The Minister of Justice stated in a recent press conference that their sentences will be completed in 2029, at which point a decision will be made again.

Masiyah is relieved for now, but at the back of her mind, she remains concerned about the uncertainty ahead.

It's … a little bit [difficult], but we have a feeling that it’s not that hard. By saying it’s not hard, [I mean] it is good that he [Polat] is in prison, so it’s not hard. But if he were in Immigration, I would probably worry. Right now I am not too worried. I will be worried only if I am concerned whether he will be sent back or not.

Originally published on Global Voices

Mae La Refugee Camp, Mae Sot, Tak, Thailand. Flickr photo by Mikhail Esteves, CC BY 2.0

This article by Sicha Rungrojtanakul and Sorawut Wongsaranon was originally published by Prachatai, an independent news site in Thailand. An edited version has been republished by Global Voices under a content-sharing agreement.

Chaos has ensued among civil society organizations working with refugees on the Thai-Myanmar border after the US government under President Donald Trump implemented an executive order immediately halting foreign aid for 90 days, resulting in the closure of hospitals in refugee camps which receive funding from the US government.

At Mae La and Umpiem refugee camps, hospitals funded by the International Rescue Committee (IRC) were closed. Pornsuk Kerdsawang, who works for an NGO in the border area, said that every patient has been asked to leave the hospital, while women in labor have to find their own way to a Thai hospital. Projects on community health, mother and child health, as well as vaccination, sanitation, and waste management projects inside the camps, which receive funding from the US, have also been affected.

A doctor working on the Thai-Myanmar border, speaking anonymously, also said that some of their organization’s programs have been suspended due to the executive order and that support for food and medication has stopped in some places. The staff are also no longer being paid.

Some camps have “stopped functioning,” said the doctor, who said that some patients have been transferred to Thai hospitals, though most returned home. Some critically ill patients also remain in the camps.

Meanwhile, funding from the US Agency for International Development (USAID) for NGOs working along the border has stopped, raising concerns among civil society.

Thai hospitals stand ready

Hospitals on the border in Tak province are preparing for an influx of patients from the refugee camps. Dr Worawit Tantiwattanasap, Director of Umphang Hospital in Tak, said that the rising number of patients due to the closure of camp hospitals is unlikely to be a major issue since patients from these camps only make up around one-third of its total number of patients. Public health NGOs are also still working in coordination with the hospital, which he said improved the situation.

He said that hospital directors from the five districts on the Thai-Myanmar border in Tak met with Tak’s provincial governor and provincial public health doctors on January 28. They agreed that hospitals must follow humanitarian and human rights principles and care for patients whether they are being supported by an NGO worker or not, and that they must treat emergency cases that could result in death or disability, including labor and delivery, accidents, or other serious illness such as strokes, without charging a fee.

Each district has been asked to conduct a survey of patients at refugee camps in the area and come up with a plan of what needs to be done to care for them and how they might divide up critical patients among government hospitals.

Dr. Worawit also proposed that the Ministry of Public Health set up a national fund for humanitarian aid because Thailand is being affected by policies implemented by a more powerful nation, which has a worldwide impact and is something out of its control. He said that Thailand has received funding from foreign donors and support from NGOs and companies. He added that while NGOs can only do so much, their primary healthcare support helps, and only severe cases are referred to hospitals along the borders.

Dr. Worawit said he is happy that public health personnel have united to support border hospitals and patients and that the hospitals are not left to handle things alone. He noted that they are following a policy implemented by Tak’s provincial governor, its public health office, and the Minister of Public Health.

Civil society left in limbo

Pornsuk said that the situation in the field and among civil society workers has been chaotic because the executive order freezes all funding and halts all activities that have expenses. It is unclear whether medical workers will be able to keep doing their work.

“If staff are going to take care of patients, my personal thought is that it should be possible, but now there is fear … so no one really knows what to do. The idea has emerged that everything is prohibited,” Pornsuk said.

Pornsuk is concerned that humanitarian work along the borders will be significantly affected if the US does not change its policy since most humanitarian funding for health services, food, and shelter in refugee camps comes from USAID.

“It won’t stop immediately because they have other sources of funding, but a lot of their overall budget will disappear, and it has to have an impact this year,” Pornsuk said.

Pornsuk said that several projects run by Mae Tao Clinic, a clinic for migrant workers in Mae Sot, have been suspended because they were funded by the US. Other organizations funded by USAID, including internally-displaced persons camps in Myanmar and Karenni groups’ education projects, could also have their funding cut in the future.

Time to close the camps?

Following the hospital closure, Fair Party MP Kannavee Suebsang suggested that it is time to close the camps and allow the refugees to integrate into Thai society. He said that this is a solution to the humanitarian issues that have been discussed for a long time because the refugees in these camps cannot return to Myanmar due to the ongoing violence that has persisted since the 2021 coup, and they have almost no chance of going to a third country. Several generations have now been born in the camps.

Pornsuk said that civil society organizations working in the camps know that one day foreign funding will be cut, so they want the Thai government to start seriously considering closing the nine refugee camps.

Actually, in the long run the refugees want that. The funding cut this time might play a part in making the Thai government think seriously that [the refugees] don’t want to live like this. They haven’t wanted to rely on others for everything.

Pornsuk said that solving these issues requires a lot of management and that the refugees themselves want to be part of the process. She noted that the refugee committee previously played a larger role in managing the camps, but they have slowly been pushed out. Meetings are now mostly for Thai government officials and foreign NGO workers, while the refugee committee has to ask to sit in on them. She believes that this is because the Thai government feels that it is easier to go through large NGOs.

[The refugee] are being excluded. It became just NGOs and the Thai state. In the past, [the refugee committee] had more power than now to take care of themselves, and they were stronger than this. They said that it’s also time that they were given back their role.

Originally published on Global Voices

The shared cultural heritage of Cambodia and Thailand can breed tension among their citizens. Cover illustration by Kittiya On-in. Source: Prachatai, content partner of Global Voices. Used with permission.

This article by Sasitorn Aksornwilai and Sicha Rungrojtanakul was originally published by Prachatai, an independent news site in Thailand. An edited version has been republished by Global Voices under a content-sharing agreement.

Among neighboring Southeast Asian countries, few have experienced as heated and enduring a cultural conflict as Thailand and Cambodia. While they share historical and cultural ties, these have often become sources of tension. From the Preah Vihear temple dispute to widespread online debates about the origins of the shared cultural heritage, this tug-of-war has persisted for decades.

Even though state-to-state relations between the two countries appear friendly and cordial, people-to-people relations tell a different story. This is largely because each side insists that their respective countries are the origin of some aspect of culture, ranging from martial arts to traditional dance and costumes. One such conflict erupted during the 2023 SEA Games in Cambodia, where the host country dropped Muay Thai and replaced it with its own version, Kun Khmer, as an official sport, sparking outcry from the Thai side.

The cultural rivalry between the two nations is merely the tip of the iceberg. It has often been assumed that history is a significant driving force behind the phenomenon, but how much does it truly shape the perceptions on both sides? Is there any other underlying cause behind it? And how do Thais and Cambodians perceive this issue?

What are the cultural conflicts?

Thai citizens dubbed this phenomenon of cultural disputes between both countries as “Claimbodia” and used the term to attack Cambodians whom Thais perceive as attempting to claim Thai culture as part of Cambodia’s cultural heritage. On the other hand, some Cambodian netizens alleged that Thailand was stealing Cambodia’s cultural heritage.

A 24-year-old Khmer language student observed that both sides have a sentiment of “hyper-nationalism,” fuelled by easy access to their nationalist histories. The student noted that the interactions between Thais and Cambodians are generally limited. Thus, the cultural dynamic between the two countries is not obvious in the eyes of the Thai people, compared to that between Thais and Laos, whose language is similar and who are exposed to Thai pop culture.

She added that the language barrier makes Thais and Cambodians feel distant from each other.

Meanwhile, on the Cambodian side, Chandara, a young Cambodian independent researcher, stated that debates over cultural and territorial issues are vibrant, especially on social networks like Facebook, where young people are highly active in both countries. However, he said some of these discussions are not grounded in historical research. Many claims lack evidence or are driven by propaganda with no clear sources.

The roots of the culture wars

Thibodi Buakamsri, a history professor at Bangkok's Chulalongkorn University, explains that the cultural heritage of Thailand and Cambodia has long been characterized by a mixture of cultural influences and exchanges that date back to an era before clear territorial demarcations emerged.

The formation of the Cambodian and Thai nation-states marked a turning point that led to clear distinctions between the two nations. Once borders were demarcated, cross-border claims began.

Thibodi stated that two additional factors contribute to the ongoing social media conflicts between the two countries: historical narratives and present-day experiences and perceptions.

These days, especially with the rise of social media, Thais and Cambodians encounter each other more directly, either through Thais traveling to Cambodia, social media platforms, or through an increasing number of Cambodian workers in Thailand, providing an opportunity for new understandings of their neighbors, while historical narratives are sometimes still remembered.

Historical changes

According to the history professor, Cambodia has a well-known literature, “Pantan Ta Mas” (“The Recommendations of Grandfather Mas”), which was disseminated, with the support of the French, in the early twentieth century during the colonial era. The content revolves around the perspective and experiences of an elderly man living during the Annam-Siam Yuth War, or the great war of Siamese-Vietnamese in the nineteenth century, a time when Siam (now Thailand) and Vietnam used Cambodia as a battleground, causing immense turmoil and hardship for the Cambodians.

In this book, Siam is portrayed as an opportunistic power seeking to exploit Cambodia. The French intervention is portrayed as a turning point, deterring Siamese invasions and restoring peace and prosperity to Cambodia. This narrative, heavily emphasized and reproduced by the French, played a significant role in shaping Cambodian perceptions of Thailand.

Meanwhile, In Thai history, Cambodia has often been seen as the villain, but with a lower status compared to Burma. While Burma was seen as an enemy with an equal adversary in warfare, where they took turns winning and losing, Cambodia is frequently portrayed as opportunistic — attacking Ayutthaya or Bangkok during times of weakness or while the state was preoccupied with wars against Burma.

Citizen perspectives on the cultural dispute

Saouch, a Cambodian NGO worker, revealed that the root causes of these sensitivities are that “many Cambodians feel deeply about the historical misrepresentation and lack of recognition from their Thai counterparts regarding Khmer elements integrated into Thai culture. Many also fear that their culture and Khmer identity could be lost. Thus it leads to heated debates on social media.”

I have made friends with several Thai people, and they have all been very kind and friendly. We often discuss the so-called ‘cultural war’ between our countries and agree that it’s quite ridiculous. Instead, we focus on the mutual connections and respect we share, rooted in our intertwined histories.

I find the ongoing cultural disputes between Thailand and Cambodia to be quite unnecessary. To fully understand this issue, we must consider the historical ties between the two nations, which are deeply intertwined and incredibly complex.

Meanwhile, a 26-year-old Thai Master’s student interested in Southeast Asia observed that the education system in Thailand largely fails to teach Thai people to embrace diversity or even to get to know neighboring countries.

Despite these challenges, Thibodi remarked that Thailand and Cambodia have shared interests that can foster collaboration. Economically, the two countries rely on each other. Thailand exports significantly more to Cambodia than it imports, while Thailand also depends heavily on Cambodian labor. No matter what, both sides must rely on and interact with each other.

The 26-year-old Thai Master’s student said that as neighbors, Thais cannot deny the relationship both countries have had and will continue to have, no matter how much some Thai citizens might be dissatisfied. “Cambodians know and are familiar with Thai people more than Thai people know them, and they appreciate Thai people. Thai people are the ones who should get to know them more.”

Saouch said that Thais and Cambodians should support one another.

We must accept that both countries share overlapping and interconnected cultural traditions. Like siblings, Cambodia and Thailand should love and support one another. I believe that our shared cultural heritage can be a unifying thread that strengthens the bond between our two nations.

Originally published on Global Voices

Protesters lighting candles in front of portrait of activist Netiporn, who died while in detention. She was arrested on royal defamation charges. Photo by Ginger Cat. Source: Prachatai, content partner of Global Voices.

This article was originally published by Prachatai, an independent news site in Thailand. An edited version has been republished by Global Voices under a content-sharing agreement.

Thailand is set to introduce an amnesty bill for politically motivated cases aimed at easing two decades of political conflict, but this has fuelled another heated debate, particularly on royal defamation cases, wherein people are charged with breaking Thailand's lèse majesté laws, which make it illegal to criticize the royal family. Several political parties are seeking to exclude royal defamation cases from amnesty reforms.

A long road to amnesty

After approximately six months of deliberation, the House Committee, which was studying an amnesty bill, finally concluded their report and submitted it to the President of Parliament in June. A parliamentary review of the report was initially scheduled for Thursday, October 3rd, but has been delayed.

Chusak Sirinil, the Committee chair and Minister Attached to the PM’s Office, revealed that parliament’s review of the report must be delayed following suggestions from the coalition parties, saying further discussion is needed to find common ground among both the coalition and opposition parties.

It was reported that a few days ago, one coalition partner, the United Thai Nation Party, strongly opposed the report, saying it lacks clear approaches on how to approach royal defamation cases. Meanwhile, the Party insisted that royal defamation cases must be excluded from any amnesty bill.

The opposition People’s Party disagreed with postponing the review of the report, arguing that it merely represents opinions and proposals for drafting an amnesty bill and there is no need to postpone the review.

Why is amnesty important?

According to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR), since the 2006 coup, at least 5,027 people have been prosecuted for exercising their rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. Almost a third of these prosecutions occurred between July 18, 2020, and January 31, 2024, during which at least 1,947 individuals were prosecuted in 1,268 cases for political crimes resulting from the exercise of their fundamental freedoms, with 216 cases involving 286 minors under 18.

The bill aims to cover offenses related to “politically motivated acts,” which the report defines as actions based on ideas related to political conflict or aiming at achieving a specific goal during a time of conflict.

The report concludes that an amnesty bill should cover the period from January 1, 2005, to the present, which will include the Yellow Shirt movement in 2005, the Red Shirt movement in 2010, and the recent mass protests in 2020.

The report suggests that the cases be classified into three categories: major, minor, and sensitive cases.

Major cases include those related to national security, treason, terrorism, the Assembly Act, and the Computer Crime Act. On the other hand, minor cases encompass offences against state officials, as well as crimes involving life and bodily harm. The sensitive cases involve royal defamation cases which have become a major point of contention in Thailand.

Contention over royal defamation cases

Thailand's royal defamation law dates back to the era of absolute monarchy. The 1976 coup marked a significant turning point when the law's penalty was increased to 3–15 years imprisonment, making it one of the strictest royal defamation laws in the world. This legacy has persisted to the present. The use of the law escalated during mass protests in 2020 and continues to increase.

According to TLHR, as of August 2024, at least 273 people have faced royal defamation charges.

The report by the Committee shows a difference of opinion on how to handle royal defamation cases. Some Committee members oppose amnesty in all royal defamation cases, others support an amnesty but with conditions, and a third faction supports unconditional amnesty.

Paiboon Nititawan, Deputy Chair of the Committee, argued that granting amnesty to defendants in sensitive cases would provoke more conflict in society since several people oppose it. He was concerned that an amnesty for the royal defamation cases would weaken the protection of the monarchy, pointing to a Constitutional Court ruling in the Move Forward Party case, which emphasized that the monarchy is protected by the Constitution, and this protection cannot be amended by any means “that are not the lawful legislative process.” Paiboon noted that such an amnesty would contradict both the Constitution and the Court ruling.

Chaitawat Tulathon, a member of the Committee who supports conditional amnesty for royal defamation cases, insisted that granting an amnesty for royal defamation cases is not the same as proposing amendment of the law. He emphasized that many offenses under the law were related to political expression.

He further explained that, under a conditional amnesty, an amnesty committee would be established to review individual cases before defendants entered an amnesty program with measures to prevent re-offending.

An amnesty program would provide a safe space for dialogue, bringing together the defendant, state officials, and other relevant parties to discuss the motives and causes behind each case.

On the other hand, Sasinan Thamnithinan, the Committee spokesperson, advocated for unconditional amnesty, arguing that many cases were politically motivated, and many charges were exaggerated and disproportionate to the actual acts.

Apart from differences of opinion inside the Committee, some coalition parties, including United Thai Nation, Palang Pracharath, and Bhumjaithai, strongly oppose including royal defamation cases in an amnesty bill.

As the debate continues, the final version of an amnesty bill remains uncertain, given the different perspectives of several parties and the highly sensitive nature of the issue.

Amnesty in Thai political history

There have been a few efforts to enact similar amnesty bills since Thailand adopted a democratic regime with the King as Head of State in 1932. Over the years, at least 23 amnesty bills have been introduced, 11 of which absolved military juntas from the crime of overthrowing civilian governments in coups. The most frequent reason given was the need for reconciliation and harmony, but many times it turned out otherwise.

Of the 23 bills, only the absolved those who participated in significant mass protests arising from political conflicts, such as in the 1973 uprising, the Thammasat Massacre in 1976, and Black May in 1992. Notably, no previous amnesty bill addressed royal defamation cases.

Between 2013–2014, Former PM Yingluck Shinawatra attempted to pass an amnesty bill, but it led to the downfall of her government. The proposed bill sought to cover individuals from both sides of political conflicts, including Abhisit Vejjajiva, Suthep Thaugsuban, and her brother, former PM Thaksin. This sparked opposition from several parties, including supporters of her own Pheu Thai Party. The then-opposition Democrat Party accused the government of using the bill as a pretext to absolve Thaksin, who was in exile at that time, and to clear the way for his return to Thailand. Increasing unrest eventually pushed the military to answer calls from anti-government right-wing forces to step in and take power.

The most recent amnesty was included in the 2014 interim Constitution, drafted by the military junta led by Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha, then-head of the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO). The amnesty covered all acts, whether or not they violated the constitution, committed following NCPO orders or actions related to the 2014 coup.

Originally published on Global Voices

Indigenous People defend their traditional practice as authorities impose restrictions on rotational farming. Photo from Prachatai, a content partner of Global Voices.

This article by Ratcha Satitsongtham was originally published by Prachatai, an independent news site in Thailand. An edited version has been republished by Global Voices under a content-sharing agreement.

The Pwo Karen of Ban Mae San have prospered in harmony with nature, upholding their traditional agricultural practices and rich cultural heritage for over 300 years. However, government measures are now putting their way of life at risk.

In recent years, between January and April,  residents of Bangkok and northern Thailand have struggled to breathe due to high levels of pollution in the air. As the Air quality index can reach 150 and even 200 AQI during these months — levels deemed unsafe for humans — anti-pollution masks have become essential. In response, the government has scrambled to provide explanations and solutions.

Indigenous people are often blamed as a significant cause of air pollution. Rotational farming, also known as shifting cultivation or slash-and-burn agriculture, is frequently portrayed negatively by government leaders and the mainstream media — not only as a source of pollution but also as a cause of natural disasters such as floods and landslides. This perspective, which reinforces prejudice against Indigenous people, is often spread without proper scrutiny. However, a closer look at how rotational farming is practiced reveals a more nuanced picture.

Sowing seeds

In Lampang province in northern Thailand, there are at least 12 Karen communities that have practiced rotational farming for generations. Ban Mae San, one of the most resource-rich and culturally vibrant communities, covers an area of 29 square kilometers, according to the Northern Development Foundation. Approximately 40 percent of this area, or 12-square kilometers, is dedicated to rotational farming, with the remaining land used for conservation, spiritual activities, and other purposes. Natthanon Lapma, a resident of Ban Mae San, explained how they use the land:

We make a living. We follow the system laid down by our ancestors. What rotational farming fields were like 300 years ago, today at Ban Mae San the fields are the same as back then. In a single field plot, we primarily plant upland rice and also plant different crops among the rice such as bananas, chilies, beans, taro, yams, and other vegetables and fruits that provide for the villagers to harvest throughout the year.

In May 2023, as they do every year, the Karen had just finished preparing the planting area and were about to sow rice seeds. Before planting, they performed a ritual to determine how different varieties of rice seeds would perform in feeding their families. Natthanon said that this ritual is key not only to their resilience but also to their agricultural diversity.

After sowing seeds in the fields, the Karen look forward to the beauty of the fields and the fruitful results of the rainy season. While waiting, they regularly clear weeds and grasses from the fields without using chemicals. Relying primarily on rainfall, the rice and crops grow naturally without fertilizers or irrigation systems. The fruits of their labor are primarily used for sustenance, helping to reduce the cost of living.

Harvest and rotational cycles

In November, they harvest. Phichet Thuengwa, a Christian Karen from Ban Mae San, was busy collecting rice from the last plot. He noted that out of the many varieties of rice seeds, five performed particularly well in 2023 and are likely to be used again. Among them, one variety stands out in particular.

As Phichet walked back to the village after finishing the harvest, he explained that once the rice field is harvested, it becomes “rai lao.” The land then requires a fallow period of at least seven years before rice can be grown there again. Due to government concerns, this fallow period is sometimes extended to 15–20 years. For the next cycle, they move to a different field. While waiting for the “rai lao” to recover, they plant a particular tree unique to their village that serves multiple purposes.

“Do you see that little makhwaen tree over there? The villagers of Mae San use the age of makhwaen trees to measure the age of ‘rai lao’ and the appropriate fallow period,” said Phichet.

Makhwaen, or Zanthoxylum limonella, is known for its aromatic and spicy flavor in popular Northern Thai dishes. The villagers harvest makhwaen from November to early January, starting around the time when the rice harvest is almost complete. Makhwaen is ready to harvest when it grows to a height of four to five meters. It is not only a major source of income and a way to track their harvest cycle but also serves as proof to the government that the recovering land is ready to be used.

State repression

The Pwo Karen at Ban Mae San have traditionally maintained a simple lifestyle, relying on reciprocity between people and natural resources. With evidence of being settled for over 300 years, their community long predates the government’s designation of the area as Tham Pha Thai National Park in 1991, which led to an overlap between their fields and the conservation areas.

After the military coup in 2014, Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha launched the Forest Reclamation Policy, which intensified state encroachment into Indigenous communities. In 2015, the Department of National Parks, Wildlife, and Plant Conservation expedited the declaration of all national parks, including Tham Pha Thai.

Empowered by the 2019 National Parks Act, which was legislated without public consultation, the state further tightened control over land use and access to resources. Communities near Ban Mae San have often faced harassment from forestry officials, park rangers, and military officers from the Pratu Pha Special Forces Camp. The villagers at Ban Mae San feel that their way of life is in jeopardy. Natthanon shared the villagers’ concerns:

Even while just preparing to declare a national park, we are threatened this much by state officials. If it ends up becomes a National Park, how much worse will it be? Villagers who practice rotational farming without title deeds or proof of rights, how will they live when they can no longer do rotational farming? Their land might even be seized for the park. If that day comes and it is like this, it will for us be no different from a living death, because land is life. Rotational farming is the soul of the Karen people.

Prohibition on burning

Another problematic measure is the prohibition on burning. The government stated that the burning ban is necessary to mitigate the pollution that arises from burning, which can release dangerous PM2.5 particles. Under the Disaster Prevention and Mitigation Act, Lampang Province first imposed a ban on burning in 2011. This ban is usually enforced from March to April, which is when villagers traditionally burn rotational farming fields to prepare the land for subsistence crops.

Far from being a solution, the prohibition on burning has seemingly worsened the problem. Somkit Thittha, village head of Ban Mae San, explained:

When they do not allow us to burn when we have to burn, we have to hurry to burn in late February before they announce the ban. But the period before the prohibition on burning still has moisture in the air, which means the fuel is not properly dry. So the burning is incomplete. In the end, we have to burn again and again.

Phachara Kamchamnarn of the Northern Development Foundation said, “The only way to keep rotational farming alive alongside the Karen is to end the blanket approach to banning burning.” The Karen communities engaged in rotational farming have clear management plans, including scheduled burning, firebreaks, and prevention measures to contain fires, with the entire process averaging no more than 10 to 30 minutes per plot.

Advocacy for change

Indigenous communities, along with advocacy groups, are building a coalition to advance the agenda for indigenous rights. As a member of the Ban Dong Subdistrict Administrative Organization in Ban Mae San, Natthanon has compiled recommendations for the government to prevent further impacts on rotational farming.

The struggle of Indigenous People saw partial success with a Cabinet Resolution on August 3, 2010, which placed their land and traditional way of life under government protection.

Natthanon points out that the Cabinet resolution of August 3, 2010, while significant, is not enough to safeguard the rights and cultural practices of ethnic minorities and Indigenous peoples, especially when it comes to rotational farming. Government officials often emphasize laws, which are viewed as having greater authority than Cabinet resolutions.

“The state wants us to follow the law; the state must also make the law protect us because we were here before these laws existed.” said Natthanon, “And we have already proved how splendidly rotational farming methods under a changing environment have preserved 29 square kilometers of forest land alongside the Karen of Ban Mae San.”

Originally published on Global Voices

Journalist Ja walking on foot to report news in a mountainous area inaccessible by car and motorbike: Source: Prachatai (Supplied photo)

This article by Sicha Rungrojtanakul was originally published by Prachatai, an independent news site in Thailand. An edited version has been republished by Global Voices under a content-sharing agreement.

Since the 2021 coup in Myanmar, the military junta has continued its campaign of repression against the country’s citizens. Among the many groups targeted for harassment are independent journalists covering resistance groups. Many fled to Thailand, often illegally. Some later managed to legalise their immigration status by claiming to be migrant workers. However, most journalists have been forced to keep their real occupations secret.

Over the course of the past three years, women and LGBTQ+ journalists have risked their lives in the field while dealing with sexual harassment and the burden of looking after family members while displaced. At the same time, they have faced the added difficulties of communicating with local sources and struggling to obtain legal status in Thailand.

Exiled journalists

Mee (a pseudonym), a journalist with over 14 years of experience, fled Yangon to covertly work as a journalist in a border town in Thailand. Prior to the coup, she used to be able to report freely. After the coup, however, the state imposed strict censorship.

She joined the resistance but continued to work underground in Myanmar. However, two years after the coup, when military officers searched her neighbourhood while she was not home, she decided to flee to Thailand. The breadwinner of her household, she has continued working as a reporter here.

To reside in Thailand legally, Mee spent over TBH 50,000 (USD 1,470) on a student visa. Mee spends most of her time in class while doing her journalism work online. Stress from politics back home and working remotely from Thailand have taken a toll on her mental health.

After I arrived (in Thailand), I asked myself why I put myself through all this. Work was already stressful enough. Now, though, the week before my period, I get so stressed that I feel like I might explode. So much so that at times, I wonder whether life has a purpose at all.

Kay Zue, an Arakanese journalist (of the Rahkine people)  with over 10 years of experience, suffered harassment in his own country, so he invested a small fortune in documents to move to Thailand.

He proudly told us that before the coup, he worked for the Yangon-based Mizzima News agency as an expert on conflicts in the Arakan State. After the coup, he resigned and moved back home to establish a local news agency called “Arakan Sagawar,” which reported local news in two languages: Rohingya and Arakanese. One day, Myanmar military officers visited his house when he was not home. That was when he decided to move to Thailand.

Kay Zue and his partner crossed the Myanmar-Thai border illegally together. He now works as a freelancer hosting a radio program for Mizzima News, which is also broadcast on Lay Waddy FM. His partner is in the process of applying for a job in a factory.

In the beginning … we were worried about our families back home because the internet in Arakan State had been cut. All I could do was to keep sending reports. We wanted people in the Arakan State to have access to information, so Mizzima let me host a radio news program.

Apart from work, settling down in Thailand means a lot for the couple as they feel that Thai society is more accepting of LGBTQ+ people. Back home, their families do not accept their relationship.

Kay Zue dreams that after the documents have been sorted out, he can organise a small wedding and marry his partner here. He still has to conceal his occupation, however.

A woman journalist’s life in the jungle

After the coup, a number of women journalists chose to embed themselves as field reporters in areas under the control of ethnic armed groups and resistance fighters. As women, they faced a number of constraints, including the hardship of jungle life and safety concerns working in a male-dominated environment.

After graduating from the university, Ja (pseudonym) worked in the media. But after the coup, the junta ordered many news outlets, including hers, to close down. Months later, she got her new job in the Karen State, where she lived together with 20 colleagues at a house in a refugee village. There is no privacy and the electricity is self-generated. Cooking is done with charcoal. Clean water is scarce. Everyone gets water from the same well. It is a 15-minute walk to take a bath. In the heat of the summer, it is difficult to sleep without fans. The rainy season brings so much rain that the village generator often breaks down, cutting off internet and telephone communications. The sound of rain also interferes with broadcasting.

The areas Ja covers are frequently targeted with air raids. Between February and May of 2023, when she travelled with an armed group in another part of the Karen State, fighter aircraft frequently appeared overhead.

“I did not get a single good night of sleep,” she said.

Every time an airplane roared overhead, she rushed to the bunker. Having heard bombs dropped nearby and witnessed houses destroyed by explosions, the sound terrified her.

Tin Zar Aung, the founder of Myanmar Women in Media, notes that the coup has given many female journalists mental health problems. Crossing the border did have some immediate positive impacts. While in Myanmar, most suffered sleep deprivation. In Thailand, they were no longer in fear of night raids and slept better.

Residence permit issues

According to the Migrant Working Group, to legally reside and work in Thailand, a person must possess a valid temporary residence permit, personal identification documents, a passport and visa, or an identification card for non-Thai nationals and a work permit.

Of the displaced journalists interviewed by Prachatai, Mee is on an educational visa, Ja has an identity card as a permit to work as a migrant worker, and Kay Zue is also applying to remain as a migrant worker.

Dahlia, a Karen journalist, was born in the Karen State but moved to Thailand when she was ten because of the armed conflict at home. She holds an identification card issued for a person without a registration status which allows her to reside in Thailand and move around in the province. To leave the province, she must obtain permission from the district office.

In contrast to journalists who arrive from other countries, they are not recognised as members of the press by the Thai state.

Ja recalls that it took her a long time to get all the paperwork done. She also remembers that she was harassed and treated rudely at the police station by the officers and the male interpreter there. She was forced to unlock her phone so that the police could look at her personal data, including pictures, videos, and texts. The interpreter asked her whether she was married, tried to ask her out on a date, and also used her phone to call himself so that he would have her number.

“I was afraid and angry, but I did not react because I worried that he would find a reason to arrest me. I was at a police station after all,” Ja said.

Ja moved to Chiang Mai in 2023. She found the atmosphere of this tourist city different from the border town she used to live in. She has been arrested twice there. Like other Myanmar people, she is subject to strict control and gets targeted for extortion by authorities. After moving to Chiang Mai, she obtained documents which allow her to reside in Thailand and travel to other provinces. The whole process took a year. She feels safer now but is unable to register or work in Thailand as a journalist.

I am still registered as a general worker. Working as a Myanmar journalist in Thailand is still not legal. I still have concerns that police will raid our office and arrest us because we have no permit to operate a news agency.

Originally published on Global Voices

Speakers at the 25 May panel. From right: Ronnapat Wongpa, Chompoonuch Bussarakham, Anurak Pathomlikitkarn, and modarator Auttapon Srichitsanuwaranon. Photo and caption from Prachatai, a content partner of Global Voices.

This article by Chutikan Chaikittiwatana was originally published by Prachatai, an independent news site in Thailand. An edited version has been republished by Global Voices under a content sharing agreement.

The Empowerment of Persons With Disabilities Act, which contains sections on the employment of persons with disabilities, has been in effect in Thailand since 2007. However, people with disabilities continue to face significant obstacles in every stage of the employment process, from job searching to receiving interview opportunities and fair working conditions.

On May 25, 2024, the Phutthamonthon Independent Living Center for People with Disabilities, Thisable.com, Boon Rawd Brewery, Prachatai, and Die Kommune co-hosted a seminar on the employment conditions of people with disabilities, discrimination in the workplace, and obstacles that remain despite the legislation.

Getting a job with a disability

The speakers agreed that the main barrier to fair employment opportunities for people with disabilities is the pervasive mindset that fails to recognize their rights and misjudges their capabilities. They also added that people with disabilities want to earn money to reduce the burden on their families.

As Ronnapat Wongpa, who has a mobility impairment, explains it, people with disabilities “… are humans too, and we want to live like everyone else. The most important thing is that we want to reduce the burden on our families instead of waiting for our parents to earn money to support us. If our parents die, how will we survive? This is why we feel the need to have a job.”

This sentiment was echoed by the other speakers, who do not view themselves as incapable of work. Having received higher education or obtained vocational certificates, all wish to contribute to society. “Regardless of the type of work, it returns value to society,” said Chompoonuch Bussarakham, another speaker with a mobility impairment.

However, people with disabilities face many obstacles in achieving fair employment, many of them rooted in what Chompoonuch explained as misconceptions about their capabilities, which often lead others to unfairly judge their ability to work.

Anurak Pathomlikitkarn, who has a visual impairment, revealed that he was often advised not to pursue higher education but rather to make a living as a massage therapist or a lottery vendor. After Anurak went to Thammasat University and earned a bachelor's degree, he still met with rejections when applying for jobs. One employer even told him that, even though the position was open to people with visual impairment, they wanted, “someone who can see a lot better.”

After earning her bachelor's degree, Chompoonuch was rejected for over 80 jobs. Most employers stated that their workplaces did not support wheelchair access. Some told her that “they did not know how to take care of me as a disabled person.”

Obstacles persist despite the legislation

Section 33 of the 2007 Empowerment of Persons with Disabilities Act, amended in 2013, mandates that public and private entities employ one disabled person for their first 100 non-disabled employees. Thereafter, they are supposed to hire an additional disabled person for every 50 non-disabled people in their employ.

Private entities failing to meet this quota or choosing not to comply have two alternatives: Contributing financially to the Fund for the Empowerment of Persons with Disabilities under Section 34 or hiring people with disabilities as subcontractors or through specialized employment services for yearly contracts paid at minimum wage rates under Section 35 — the latter option also applies to public entities.

Disability rights activist Auttapon Srichitsanuwaranon, who moderated the seminar, said in an interview with Prachatai that a piece of legislation enacted almost two decades ago may no longer adequately address the challenges faced by people with disabilities today.

The economic downturn stemming from the COVID-19 pandemic and other socio-political conditions, coupled with increased automation replacing human labor, has led to a decrease in work opportunities for disabled employees. Auttapon says that this has affected the employment opportunities available for disabled individuals under the statutory employment ratio.

Individuals hired under Section 35 are often at great disadvantage, Auttapon said, as they are not considered regular employees with full benefits. For instance, there is no assurance that their yearly contracts will be renewed. Additionally, they may not get a pay raise. Anurak noted that there are also no regulations in the law ensuring fair payment based on employee work experience. He expressed frustration that his pay has remained unchanged for seven years.

Individuals may find themselves hired under unfair contracts due to various circumstances. Ronnapat recounted cases where fellow disabled individuals were only paid for the days they worked, resulting in pay cuts for weekends and other absences. As a result, they received lower overall pay compared to able-bodied employees under Section 35, which guarantees a minimum wage for 365 days. Such situations reportedly arose for several reasons. Sometimes, workers lacked an understanding of contract terms. At other times limited job opportunities obliged them to accept unfair arrangements.

Observing that the challenges and inequalities faced by disabled individuals ultimately stem from how they are perceived by the state and society at large, Auttapon proposed that responsible parties formally reflect on the current employment situations of people with disabilities and assess the effectiveness and practicality of existing laws.

The hope for equal and fair opportunities

Auttapon stressed that employment benefits not only individuals with disabilities but society as a whole:

When people with disabilities have jobs, they earn income. With that income, they spend, consume, and buy goods, all of which contribute to the value-added tax (VAT) system. This means they can actively participate in the economy and contribute to society.

For him, the barriers faced by disabled individuals come from societal attitudes:

It all comes back to the question of how society views people with disabilities. Does society perceive them as people with dreams and aspirations, or solely as vulnerable and marginalised with scarce opportunities all the time? They will continue to lack opportunities because they have never been given fair opportunities in the first place.

During the discussion, Chompoonuch also highlighted the importance of recognizing the rights and potential contributions of individuals with impairments: “Some people ask, ‘Why should we have to pay taxes to support these people?’ It's because society hasn't provided people with disabilities the opportunities, which leads to us remaining a group that might not yet be fully capable of taking care of ourselves.”

She added that she has personally not had major difficulties in the workplace under entities that hired her fairly, as her co-workers are willing to communicate to understand her conditions. She has, however, faced obstacles in the pre-hiring process from people wrongly judging her abilities before offering her opportunities.

I may not be able to walk, but I can use a wheelchair to reach my destination. If I say I can do it, I truly can, but people tend to assume otherwise. People with disabilities have faced numerous challenges in their lives. Our hearts and minds are determined to overcome obstacles and find solutions for things to work out. This is something I hope people will understand.

Originally published on Global Voices

Women leaders and experts interviewed in this article: Kesirin Tunkeaw (top right), Wongakuea Bunson (bottom right), Srisopha Kotkhamlue (top left), Jutatip Sirikhan (middle), and Professor Dararat Khampeng (bottom left). Photo from Prachatai, a content partner of Global Voices.

This article by Kamonchanok Rueankham was originally published by Prachatai, an independent news site in Thailand. An edited version has been republished by Global Voices under a partner content-sharing agreement.

According to a report by UN Women, as of January 2023, Thai women held only 20.4 percent of elected seats in local government. Out of 89,329 elected positions, there were 18,262 women.

Women leaders remain rare in local politics. Because of the particular limitations that they have to face, Thai women have to work much harder just to be seen as the equals of their male counterparts. Yet many are reaching beyond these limitations and working to inspire new generations to join public service.

Glass ceiling

In the 2020 local elections, women won only 12 out of 76 seats as presidents of Provincial Administrative Organizations (PAOs), according to King Prajadhipok's Institute database.

According to Rocket Media Lab, women candidates for PAO president are outnumbered from the start. Out of 332 candidates, 238 were men (85 percent) and only 49 were women (15 percent).

PAO presidents are the highest elected executive positions in local administration. The PAOs also have legislative Councils, also elected. Below the PAOs are Subdistrict Administrative Organizations (SAOs) and municipalities. There are also Special Administrative Regions such as Bangkok and Pattaya.

King Prajadhipok's Institute reports that among the 5300 SAO presidents who held office from before the 2014 military coup until 2021, 93 percent were men and only 7 percent were women. At the municipal level of the same period, there were 2,233 male mayors and only 208 females.

For some researchers, the lack of women representatives in local government can be attributed to the pervasive idea, rooted in various social institutions, that it is better for women to live in the household as a wife and a mother, that women can’t “have it all,” and that men have better leadership traits.

Even when they get elected, women leaders in local government still have to face the structural problems that any leader has to face. Local elected bodies often have limited power and resources, as well as overlapping responsibilities, putting them in a power struggle with provincial governors and district chiefs appointed from Bangkok.

Despite these limitations, women leaders in local politics have been working relentlessly to combat gender stereotypes, improve people’s standard of living, and become living examples for future generations.

Lean-in

“If men work 100 percent, we must work 500 percent for everything,” said Kesirin Tunkeaw, President of the Mae Win Subdistrict Administrative Organization, Chiang Mai Province. She added:

In the past, they did not have confidence in women. They taught that men are the front legs of the elephant, and women are the back legs. The problem was that they did not have much confidence in women to do the work. They see that women only work behind the scenes such as washing clothes, cooking, and farming.

One of her proudest achievements as SAO President was to tap an available budget to bring electricity to a far-flung community located in a forest reserve area, something that even the MP in her constituency failed to do.

Under Kesirin’s leadership, the Mae Win SAO single-handedly solved land disputes between villagers, who claimed that they had been working the land for generations, and the authorities, who claimed that they had been encroaching into the forest reserve.

By bringing the stakeholders together to cultivate a common understanding, using satellites for demarcation, and tracking historical records, Mae Win SAO passed regulations to give land rights to the villagers which they are only allowed to pass on to their next generation and where selling is prohibited.

Diverse strategies

When women leaders win power in local government, they have few examples to follow. As they come into power, they have strategic decisions to make, including what leadership style they should deploy and what issues they should prioritize.

For Wongakuea Bunson, a former member of the Sakon Nakhon Provincial Administrative Organization Council, entering politics as a woman has its own strength. One of many merits of being a woman politician is the ability to connect.

Women also have sensitivity and sympathy, which lead to empathy in solving a problem in a serious way, and which lead to acknowledgment of the problem in order to coordinate to fight for a solution, follow-up, and solve the problem in a concrete way.

For Wongakuea, being a woman politician means having more opportunities to push forward particular issues for women, children, and vulnerable groups including education, domestic violence, and increasing income for local women.

Srisopha Kotkhamlue, a Pheu Thai party MP for Chiang Mai Constituency 10, has a different approach from Wongakuea. Before becoming an MP, Srisopha was secretary to the Chiang Mai PAO President and is the manager of the Chiang Mai United football team.

In her view, some issues, such as basic infrastructure and the economy, are more urgent in her constituency than women’s rights, even though they are just as important. Although her main duties as a constituency MP is to speak on behalf of her constituency in parliament, she also has a role in local administration.

Most duties of constituency MPs are more like mediating and taking care that the local people have what is suitable for Chiangmai Constituency 10. It is the biggest constituency in Chiang Mai Province, and comes with a lot of responsibilities.

What is to be done?

Women leaders become examples for the younger generation. Jutatip Sirikhan, a political activist and a leader of the pro-democracy protests in 2020–2021, wants to begin her political career in her home province of Amnat Charoenin in the northeast.

However, very few younger women are interested in local politics, she said. Local politics is often associated with influence, money, and business, which are believed to be men’s domain. So younger women have second thoughts about joining local politics.

According to Assistant Professor Dararat Khampeng of the University of Phayao, many women began public service as Village Health Volunteers or Labour Volunteers. At first, they were very well-received by their communities. But when they decide to enter local politics, public support typically declines. In her view, this is a social pattern rather than a set of separate cases.

In many countries, various gender quota measures are applied “to correct historical gender imbalance in local government and fast-track women’s representation,” according to a 2021 UN Women report. These measures can be either voluntary or legislated. According to UN Women, legislated measures are far more effective.

These ideas sound convincing. However, some scholars think that they may not be adequate for Thailand. For one thing, a gender balance in local politics would not matter at all if local politics itself is made irrelevant in the first place.

“For me, the issue of gender and local politics is not so much a problem as the fact that local politics is dominated by the center through the centralization of political power and that the resources stay in the centre and Bangkok”, said Professor Pinyapan Potjanalawan of Lampang Rajabhat University.

Furthermore, even if a gender quota was enforced here, it would still be “just the first step” and “it would not be a way of ensuring power, acceptance, and the creation of public policy more accessible for women,” said Dararat.

“Those things will happen only when society truly acknowledges abilities [of women] and the qualities of capable women, and when a patriarchal structure does not control and direct the thoughts of women who are leaders,” said Dararat.

For Dararat and Pinyapan, the long-term solution is to empower women at all levels, not just at the level of local leaders. This can be done when women come together to form women’s groups and push forward policies for women's rights through all available platforms, especially through their local governments.

Originally published on Global Voices

Ruea, 65, became homeless about losing her business during the pandemic. Photo and caption by Prachatai. Used with permission.

This article by Sarah Eichstadt was originally published by Prachatai, an independent news site in Thailand. An edited version has been republished by Global Voices under a partner content-sharing agreement.

Since the COVID-19 pandemic, Bangkok's homeless population has been rising. Many of these newly unhoused people are elderly. Advocates and experts now say raising the elderly pension is one solution to this growing crisis. Meanwhile, imposing a wealth tax could help combat housing insecurity.

When the pandemic hit, Ruea, 65 lost her business and only source of income, pushing her into financial and housing insecurity.

Before COVID-19, she made a living independently selling homemade products on Khao San Road, a major tourist destination in Bangkok, and was able to support her needs. But the pandemic suddenly made this type of work impossible.

A Bangkok Post article found a 30 percent rise in the. city's homeless population in 2022 compared to pre-pandemic rates.

Even though tourism is rising again in Bangkok, Ruea does not have enough money or resources to restart her business. She finds new places to sleep each night, sometimes staying with friends, other times alone. Ruea says that sometimes she feels vulnerable and unsafe when she is alone at night.

While a lot of people who struggled with housing during the pandemic are now housed, the need is still large. Welfare policies, gentrification and employment are factors that contribute to homelessness in Bangkok.

Pension for the elderly

Like many other elderly people in Bangkok, Reua's only source of income is a monthly THB 600 (USD 16.7) pension from the government. This is not enough income for her to afford housing. To help herself get by, she will line up to take one of the 500 free meals that the Bangkok Community Help Foundation hands out daily.

Under Thailand's current pension policy, the pension amount increases with age. Those aged 60–69 receive THB 600; 70–79 year olds get THB 700 (USD 19.5); 80–89 year olds get THB 800 (USD 22.3), and those over 90 get THB 1,000 (USD 27.8).

Friso Poldervaat, a founder of Bangkok Community Help, is one of the volunteers who hands out food every day. He acknowledges that handouts are not a sustainable solution to the problem of homelessness and says that there need to be policy changes to increase housing security in Bangkok.

The most important change, according to Poldervaart, is increasing the pension for the elderly to THB 3,000 (USD 83.6) per month.

Ruea said that if the pension rose to 3,000 baht per month, she would have enough money to support herself and pay for food and stable housing.

“This will mean a lot of elderly will not end up on the street. It’s where the government can make a big move,” Poldervaart said.

Poldervaart is not confident that the pension policy will be changed, however. Although it was a campaign promise made during many elections, it has yet to be implimented.

Sustarum Thammaboosadee, an associate professor at Thammasat University, says that raising the monthly pension would not only benefit elderly recipients but also members of the working class who provide for elderly family members. He said:

I believe that if we have the proper pension scheme, it will not only help us to avoid the problem of homelessness. We have an ageing society and once you give pensions to elderly people … you also help working people.

According to Sustarum, more than 70 percent of the elderly in Thailand do not have financial independence and rely on their children after retirement.

Having studied the economic feasibility of raising the pension, he concludes that it is economically possible.

Implementation largely depends on the government, however. The Move Forward Party had a campaign to raise the pension to 3,000 baht. Sustarum believes if it had been allowed to form a government, the pension would already have been raised.

He adds that other welfare benefits could not only help solve homelessness and ease the burden carried by those looking after elderly family members but also help families maintain their solidarity.

“Parents become sick and cannot work. Sometimes they become a burden, but in Asia, we have to accept this.”

Precariat workers

When Ruea was making a living selling products, she was a member of the precariat, an “informal” worker with no fixed income.

In addition to farmers and market workers, who are also included in this category, Sustarum pointed to a “new generation” of precariat workers who are self-employed in programming, design, and other fields. More than 60 percent of today’s Thai working people reportedly fall into this category.

Such workers are more vulnerable to housing insecurity because their incomes are unpredictable. They may also have less access to welfare services because of the independent nature of their work. This proved to be true during the pandemic.

Once they lose their jobs, they have no access to capital and no stable income. As noted by Sustarum, “They have no social network. They do not know who to ask for help.”

The growth of informal sector employment combined with rising inflation is making it difficult for many to afford housing in Bangkok. Sustarum expects to see more homelessness in the outskirts of Bangkok, explaining that people are moving away from the city as a result of gentrification and rising costs in the city-center.

To combat those factors and achieve greater housing security, he proposes that the government impose a wealth tax, since he believes it would allow Thailand to use more land and resources for affordable housing units.

Without such reforms, Sustarum said, the price of housing, lack of social solidarity, low incomes, and lack of a welfare safety net will “push people into the streets.”

A new generation

A European immigrant, Poldevart, observes that “in Thailand, homeless people are stigmatized as lazy drug addicts.”

According to Sustarum, that attitude belongs to the older generation. He sees it changing among today’s young adults. “Nowadays, if you ask this question to university students, they will say that it is not their fault. It is because of the social structure.”

Generational change can be a powerful tool for social reform.

Imposing a wealth tax and raising pensions are difficult but not impossible. Sustarum points to the electoral success of the Move Forward Party, which began as “a movement of the people.” He also believes that public action is necessary.

“I think that protests and mass movements of civil society are still needed to make politics function … if you just wait for a political party to work for you, you’ll get nothing.”