Originally published on Global Voices

Collage with the cover of the novel “Cometierra,” by Dolores Reyes. Image created with Canva by Global Voices.

At the beginning of November, Argentine feminist literature became embroiled in a controversy. On her X (formerly Twitter) account, the Argentine vice president, Victoria Villarruel, denounced the actions of the Governor of Buenos Aires, Axel Kicillof, for allegedly distributing copies of the novel “Cometierra” (Earth-eater) in classrooms in the province, branding the content as “degrading and immoral,” and citing excerpts containing sexual scenes.  

“Cometierra,” by Dolores Reyes, is one of the feminist works that the current Argentine government is seeking to censor, alleging “sexually explicit content” that is unsuitable for adolescents. The campaign aims to remove these books from school and public libraries, but up to now has not been successful.  

A cry against gender-based violence and an ode to healthy relationships 

Since its publication in 2019, “Cometierra” has sold more than 70,000 copies and has been translated into fifteen languages.

The novel focuses on femicides and tells the story of a young psychic from the outskirts of Buenos Aires (known as Greater Buenos Aires) named Cometierra. A special gift enables her to find missing people — usually women, girls, and boys — by eating a handful of dirt those people stepped on.

Unfortunately, most of the time these people have been violently killed. Cometierra, in turn, is also an orphan because of a femicide: her father beat her mother to death when she was a child. 

Although the story is centred around extremely tragic situations, it also highlights the importance of emotional bonds, the protection of an older brother, close friendships that support and strengthen us, care and love.

In 2023, Dolores Reyes published her second novel, “Miseria,” a sequel that continues to follow the life of Cometierra, her brother and her sister-in-law, Miseria, in the city of Buenos Aires.

Why so scandalous?

In September of 2023, the government of  Buenos Aires Province launched the program Identidades Bonaerenses (Buenos Aires Identities), that includes a catalog of more than 100 literary works of fiction and non-fiction that relate to the territory, the customs and cultural identity of the province. Thousands of copies were purchased to be distributed in secondary and adult schools, technical schools, teacher training institutes, public and popular libraries, and prison libraries. Among these works is “Cometierra.”

The catalog was wrongly associated with the Educación Sexual Integral (ESI) (Comprehensive Sexual Education) program, the content of which is compulsory at all levels. This is not the case, as the catalogue corresponds to a non-compulsory program to promote reading, and details the minimum age recommendations and teacher support for this and other works.

Taking advantage of the controversy, an association for the defence of the “well-being of children and adolescents” has filed a criminal complaint against the General Director of Culture and Education of the Province of Buenos Aires, Alberto Sileoni, for the “corruption of minors, dissemination of pornographic material to minors and abuse of authority.”

At the center of this scandal, Dolores Reyes says that she has received an infinite number of threats and attacks on social media. In response to the vice president's allegations about her novel, the author told media outlet Infobae:

Cometierra es una forma de narrar un pedido de justicia: una chica que falta, una historia que fue silenciada, y por lo tanto no escuchada. El silenciamiento es una de las armas más efectivas de la violencia de género.

“Cometierra” is a form by which to narrate a demand for justice: a missing girl, a story that was silenced, and therefore not heard. Silencing is one of the most effective weapons of gender-based violence.

A gloomy #25N for Argentina 

November 25 was the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, a date that has been commemorated since 1999, by a United Nations resolution in honor of the Mirabal sisters who were brutally executed by the dictator, Rafael Trujillo in the Dominican Republic on November 25 1960. 

However, this is the first time that Argentina has experienced this day in the midst of a clear institutional retreat and denial regarding gender-based violence. This in a country where 168 femicides were recorded in the first half of 2024 alone, of which 31 involved prior complaints (17 with precautionary measures in force) and where at least 155 minors lost their mothers to femicide. Policies related to gender equality and support seem to be more of a hindrance than a priority.

Having just assumed office, Javier Milei's government, from the La Libertad Avanza (LLA) (Freedom Advances) party, began the dissolution of the Ministry of Women, Genders and Diversity, and reduced it to an undersecretary of Protection against Gender-based Violence, which was shut down permanently in less than three months. This de-funded support programs for women and sexual diversity, and left thousands of victims of gender-based violence unprotected. 

Furthermore, in February of 2024, the government announced the closure of the National Institute against Discrimination, Xenophobia and Racism, alleging that it was “the ‘Cristinista’ thought police” (referring to Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, the former president and then vice president of Argentina). More than 400 people, who worked all over the country for the protection of minority rights, lost their jobs. The permanent closure was finalized in August 2024.

As if that were not enough, and in a context of inflation that worsens the situation, in August 2024, the LLA government introduced changes to the Acompañar program, which provides financial assistance to victims of gender-based violence, and reduced the economic allocation equivalent to the minimum living wage for workers from six to three months, which makes it more difficult to leave violent situations.

In addition to this set of actions that threaten the safety and support of victims of gender-based violence, there are several more that threaten the great achievements in terms of gender and equality. Among them, the elimination of the resolution that required gender parity in companies and civil associations, the modifications to the Micaela Law, which made gender training mandatory for members of the three branches of government and which is now required only for those who work “in bodies competent in the matter.”

The Registradas program, which promoted the formal incorporation of domestic workers into the labor market, was also ended; the use of inclusive language and everything related to the gender perspective in public administration was prohibited; the pension moratorium — of which the main beneficiaries were women, since they could retire without the required 30 years of contributions — was eliminated. It is usually women who have unregulated jobs or who leave the labor market to raise or care for families, so this measure directly targets them.

These are just some of the policies adopted by Argentina's government in its conservative and regressive “cultural battle” that is detrimental to the democratic agreement that has been in force for the last forty years.

What is also notable, is that the government seems to choose particular dates to apply these policies. For example, on  March 8, International Women's Day, it changed the name of the Salón de las Mujeres Argentinas del Bicentenario (Hall of Argentine Women of the Bicentennial) in the Casa Rosada presidential palace to the Salón de los Próceres (Hall of Heroes), arguing that the previous name represented an inverse discrimination. The Hall of Women was a space created by the former president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner to honour the role and legacy of women in Argentina's history.   

Read more: Women's rights are backsliding left and right in Latin America

On November 15, ten days before November 25, Argentina was the only country that voted against a United Nations resolution to eradicate violence against women. Almost simultaneously, this campaign to discredit feminist literature was unleashed, especially literature that addresses the problem of violence against women.

De vanguardia a verguenza: Argentina en el 25Nhttps://t.co/A84PCP42jj

— Luciana Peker (@lucianapeker) November 25, 2024

From progress to shame: Argentina on 25N

Finally, Milei's most recent announcement, on November 27, is just another element of his persecution against what he calls the “gender agenda”: he will eliminate by decree the non-binary ID card, established in 2021 after many years of struggle by LGBTQ+ organizations, and which made Argentina the first country in the region to recognize gender categories beyond the binary.

In addition to “Cometierra,” three other novels by feminist authors have been questioned: “Las primas” (The Cousins) by Aurora Venturini, “Si no fueras tan niña” (If you weren't such a girl) by Sol Fantin, and “Las aventuras de la China Iron” (The Adventures of China Iron) by Gabriela Cabezón Cámara, which were also included in the Identidades Bonaerenses catalogue. 

Collective Resistance

Calls for collective readings of “Cometierra” have gained traction in different cultural and academic spaces as a direct response to the attempts at censorship promoted by sectors of the government. These events have brought together writers, readers and social organizations in libraries, theatres and other public spaces with the aim of making the work of Dolores Reyes visible and defending free access to literature. 

One of the most notable gatherings took place at the Picadero Theatre in Buenos Aires, where more than one hundred writers participated in a public reading of the novel. These activities, in addition to supporting the author, have contributed to generating a debate about the importance of freedom of expression and the role of literature as a reflection of social problems.

 

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Books are the builders of community, of its multiple identities, of its stories, of its values, of its debates and discussions, of its disagreements and of its meeting points. The Argentine literary tradition is a true wonder for men and women alike and has a global projection of enormous importance and prestige. Books, and fiction in particular, are tools of knowledge that link people’s lives and are deeply intertwined with education. Libraries and classrooms have in teachers and librarians the ideal and trained mediators that allow reading to accompany educational development at all levels of public and private education so that it can illuminate and generate debates. It is in these places that citizens are formed. That is why it is imperative that Argentine literature: current literature, that of the country’s early days, that of the native peoples who preceded us, be available to students and readers throughout the country. In line with this, Argentine writers, and writers from various places in Latin America and Spain, call for an unrestricted defence of books, reading schemes and libraries. Writers are not hostages of any regime or any electoral campaign. We cannot allow neither the censorship campaigns nor the violent personal attacks on any writer, male or female, over disputes that have nothing to do with the objectives of our work. Readers, writers, both male and female: books, free from all current disputes and all censorship.

And this avalanche of support and protests is compounded by the almost inevitable result when an attempt is made to censor a work: record sales in recent weeks that have made “Cometierra” the best-selling work, even above South Korean Han Khan, winner of the 2024 Nobel Prize for Literature.

This is not the first time that an unintentional “publicity campaign” by the libertarian Argentine government has boosted the careers of women it attacks or seeks to discredit: at the end of September, the music video by singer-songwriter and actress Lali Espósito, where she mocked Milei’s attacks against her, became the most viewed video worldwide. 

Originally published on Global Voices

Collage of screenshots from the music video “Fanático” by Lali Espósito on YouTube, made by Global Voices.

Just days after its release, a music video with scathing lyrics and a catchy rhythm that denounces the harassment that the artist has been subjected to for more than a year by the Argentine president managed to enter the Top 5 most viewed videos in the world, and is number one in Argentina.

This is “Fanático,” the most recent single by Argentine singer, songwriter, actress and activist Lali Espósito, released at the end of September 2024 and with which she seems to ridicule the president and establish a political position of firm opposition to the government of Javier Milei, who has now been in office for ten months.

With a carefully crafted aesthetic — loaded with symbolism, humour and playful references to the artist's career, her activism and her fans — the video features a character with fake sideburns and a leather jacket who screams nonsensically, presumably Milei. It also makes numerous references — some more subtle than others — to the insults, accusations and hate speech that Espósito has received.

The lyrics of “Fanático,” simple and very mischievous, could easily be about any fan who becomes absurdly obsessed with their favorite star, but the images and the context of the confrontation between Milei and Espósito make the reference clear.

On August 13, 2023, when the result of the primary elections in favor of the libertarian candidate Javier Milei became known, Lali Espósito tweeted the words, “How dangerous. How sad.” Milei’s responses and attacks were not long in coming, and thus began an intense media confrontation similar to that of Donald Trump against Taylor Swift. 

Music and humour as political tools

The fact is that you have to know about Argentine culture, its recent political context and Lali Espósito's career trajectory to understand the references made in the video.

The scenes were filmed in a large warehouse, which may be a reference in itself, since Milei called her “Lali Depósito” (Lali Warehouse), as he claimed that the artist lived off public money in exchange for making propaganda for Kirchnerism. In this warehouse, Lali leads a casting session in which a motley crew of characters parades: fans who imitate her as some of the characters she played in kids and teen TV shows, and as a singer.

One of the people who shows up at the casting and who catches Lali’s attention is a rolinga (a Rolling Stones fan) wearing a T-shirt that says “Who the fuck is LALI?”, a reference to the T-shirt that Keith Richards wore when he taunted Mick Jagger. In addition, when they asked Milei about her, he was emphatic that he did not know her saying, “I only listen to the Rolling Stones.” 

Reference to the T-shirt in the video and Keith Richards’ original. Left: screenshot of the video “Fanático.” Fair use. Right: Image from docteurcarter on Flickr. Wikimedia Commons, CC BY 2.0.

A man who clearly resembles Milei also shows up at the fan casting. He screams and seems to lose his temper, whilst Lali seems bored with him. He is quickly pushed out of the scene, but shortly after he returns to continue screaming insistently despite the little attention anyone pays him, as if he were throwing a tantrum.

And who the fuck is Lali?

Mariana “Lali” Espósito, born in Buenos Aires in 1991, is a singer, songwriter, and actress who debuted on Argentine television aged just 10 years old. She took part in children's TV programs and series, continued acting in teen dramas, and has been the face of several ad campaigns. 

She played one of the characters in the 2021 Spanish Netflix series Sky Rojo, which received rave reviews in international media for addressing the problem of sex trafficking.

In terms of her musical career, she has collaborated on the soundtracks of TV series and a soap opera, and was part of Teen Angels, a pop band formed from an Argentine TV show, with whom she recorded six studio albums. In 2013, she began her career as a solo artist, though she has come to share the stage with great international figures of music and entertainment.

Lali Espósito during the Fénix Awards in 2018, with her green handkerchief, a symbol of the feminist fight for safe and legal abortion in Argentina. Image by Milton Martínez for secretaría de Cultura CDMX via Wikimedia Commons (CC BY 2.0).

As for her political side, from a very young age Lali has participated in numerous social awareness and justice campaigns alongside various foundations, NGOs and artists. She describes herself as a “feminist apprentice,” as she recognizes her own shortcomings and hypocrisies, and has set out to work on them to become an increasingly better feminist.

She is a member of the collective Actrices Argentinas (Argentine Actresses), created in 2018 to support the right to abortion in Argentina, and has been very consistent in her activism for this cause, which resulted in her being the target of many cyber-attacks, threats and harassment, including those of the current Argentine president.

In a context of increasing poverty, declining human rights and dissenting voices feeling increasingly threatened, the spicy humor in Lali's video fills her followers with laughter and optimism. And to the chagrin of her critics, it has enabled her to enter the Top 5 of most viewed videos worldwide for the first time.                                                              

En 3:07 minutos de Canción, Lali Espósito hizo y dijo mucho más que la oposición en 9 meses.

Gracias Reina.

— Nach & Pop (@Eunepetaculo) September 27, 2024

In 3:07 minutes of a song, Lali Espósito has done and said much more than the opposition has in 9 months.

Thank you Queen.

— Nach & Pop (@Eunepetaculo) September 27, 2024

Originally published on Global Voices

AMPMA members at the presentation of their candidacy for the 2023 elections in the plenary hall of the Town Hall of Angüés, Spain. From left to right: Ana Ruiz, María Jesús Agustín, Herminia Ballestín, Adela Alfaro and Mariella Araujo. Edited photo by Francisco Lomero, used with permission.

By mid-June, an all-female independent group, Women for the Municipality of Angüés (AMPMA), will begin its second term leading the small Aragonese town of Angüés, Spain, after winning, for the second time, an absolute majority in the municipal elections of May 28, 2023. Their term of office is today's most unique political phenomenon in Spain's democracy.

The AMPMA obtained 148 votes out of a total of 254 ballots, which represents 58.73 percent of votes in Angüés, a municipality in the province of Huesca made up of the towns of Angüés, Bespén, and Velillas.

Capture of comparative results 2019-2023 and new composition of the City Council of Angüés. Source: official site of May 28 elections of the Ministry of the Interior (June 2, 2023).

Their administration has been a very special political phenomenon for several reasons: In 2019, they unseated with two-thirds of the votes the traditional Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE), which had been governing with no opposition for 16 consecutive years, while managing to reduce the growing political apathy reflected in high rates of abstention: that year, the municipality recorded a turnout of 76.87 percent, only surpassed this year with 80.37 percent. But, undoubtedly, their greatest victory has been to stop (and reverse) the depopulation that seemed inevitable in the municipality.

What no one expected in the 2019 elections

Defeating the PSOE list, which had governed the municipality without opposition since 2003, was the first victory of the AMPMA women, led by Herminia Ballestín (current mayor of Angüés).

The group does not have ties to any political party; each member has her own political ideas. In addition, most of them had zero experience in the management of a legislature, except for the veteran Herminia Ballestín, who had already been a councilwoman under the PSOE. Councilwoman María de Marco, who this year made the list as a substitute, reminisces:

Cuando nos presentamos no teníamos programa ni prácticamente sabíamos qué se podía hacer. Podíamos proponer cosas, pero no sabíamos cómo funcionaba un ayuntamiento.

When we ran for office, we had no program and practically did not know what could be done. We could suggest things, but we didn't know how a city council worked.

In fact, many people wondered how long a group of women would last, and there was no shortage of jokes and sexist comments. “I thought this was an issue that had already been overcome, but theory is one thing, and putting it into practice is another, especially in a small town,” Ballestín told Spanish media La Sexta.

Four years and a pandemic later, this group of women proved that they were capable of overcoming one of the world's worst health crises and, in addition, they achieved what seemed impossible: to curb depopulation, bring life back to their small municipality and win the resounding support of the local community.

The greatest achievement for a village in the”empty Spain”

Photo of Angüés, Spain, taken by the author.

Data from the National Institute of Statistics (INE) show that by 1900, Angüés had 1022 inhabitants, but lost more than half of its population during the 20th century, and this trend continued during the first two decades of the 21st century, not only in Angüés, but also in several rural areas of Spain. This is known as “empty Spain (España vaciada),” a concept used to describe several areas of the country that suffered massive migrations, mainly due to the rural exodus that took place in the mid-20th century and which continues to the present day.

By 2019, when the AMPMA won its first legislature, there were only 354 inhabitants left in the entire municipality. Happily, that trend not only slowed down, but, against all odds, is gradually reversing: according to the latest official data, as of January 1, 2022, the population of Angüés was 368 inhabitants, and this year it is estimated to have reached 387, which would represent a growth of almost 10 percent over the last four years.

Regarding the group's initiative, Herminia Ballestín told Periódico de Aragón: “I wanted to change things a bit, and we thought it was very interesting to form this group to show what female management is like.”

The first thing they did when they assumed the legislature in 2019 was to eliminate the mayor's salary and remove the cell phones, Christmas bonuses, and Christmas dinners of councilors paid by the City Council: Now, the positions are completely voluntary, and this saved the locality about 12 000 euros per year. In addition, they reduced energy costs by installing solar panels in the Town Hall and changing the street lighting.

To attract and retain residents, they created a program to support the emancipation of young people and a project through which the municipality acquired and rehabilitated unoccupied houses to offer them at affordable rents to families wishing to settle there. So far, three houses have been taken over and a fourth is being refurbished and will be offered this year.

The closure of a school is a decisive symptom that a village is dying, but in Angüés, the child population grew with the new families that arrived, which led to the expansion of the local school with the opening of a 2-year-old classroom, accompanied by the creation of a free school support program, the installation of a new playground in Bespén (one of the three villages of the municipality), the reopening of the municipal library and the development of workshops for job training and entrepreneurship.

They also sought to stimulate social life and citizen participation with cultural and recreational activities, such as concerts, lectures and seminars, photography contests, children's and family shows, traditional festivals, and exhibitions.

The improvements have taken time, but they have been constant and visible. The budget is very limited, and they do much of the work themselves: “You need a calling of being of service to do this, because you take care of everything and you don't see a single euro,” Ballestín says, who evaluates her first management as “gratifying.”

With four years of experience and the satisfaction of what was achieved, the group went for a second term hoping to continue its work of revitalization through new proposals, confident that now the citizens would trust them even more.

Their effort was rewarded with the conclusive result of the ballots that guaranteed them a second term. Herminia Ballestín assures:

Los pueblos están más vivos que nunca y solo hay que demostrarlo. Esta es nuestra forma de pensar y en esto basamos nuestro trabajo.

Villages are livelier than ever, we just have to show it. That's our way of thinking and what we base our work on.

Originally published on Global Voices

Screenshot of a puppet mask (Source: NyF Ecuador/YouTube)

Latin America is rich in traditions for year-end parties. We share some cheerful, curious, superstitious, and adventurous customs from various regions of the continent to say goodbye to the old year and open a new chapter in our lives. People engage in these rituals to ensure travel, love, or money in the coming year, or simply to close the cycle of the year that has passed in a humorous or spectacular way.

Wearing different colors of underwear

In Latin America, a very old and deeply rooted ritual to bid farewell to the old year is to wear underwear of a certain color, each color having a meaning and different stories about its origin. Some versions specify that these garments must be gifted, not bought, or that they must be worn backward.

The most widespread color of underwear in almost the entire region is yellow, generally its meaning referencing the sun, new beginnings, and economic prosperity. It is used especially in Colombia, Ecuador, Venezuela, Chile, Mexico, and Peru, and sometimes also in Argentina and Uruguay, although in these countries the pink bombacha (panties or bikini) are much more common.

There are different theories about its origin, some related to religion, others to Victorian fashion, and others to the desire to find love in the coming year. Red, also with reference to love and passion, is another color used in some families in Peru and Argentina, although it predominates in Spain, where it has a medieval origin. The following television reportage shows how the markets are filled with these special garments at the end of December:

Leaving with suitcases at midnight

Those who want to travel choose this ritual, which is believed to bring many trips and adventures in the coming year: Pack a suitcase and go for a walk around the block immediately after the midnight toast. This custom is practiced throughout the region, although the countries where it is most common are Venezuela, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru.

The ritual varies a lot. In some cases, it is enough to place the suitcases in front of the door or walk with them on the patio or in every corner of the house. According to other versions, the suitcase must be filled with clothing and specific accessories for the place where you want to travel (for example, bathing suits, towels, and sunscreen if you want to go to a place with beaches or climates suitable for bathing).

The following video shows a family that chose this tradition, where they run with a suitcase while the famous song “Año nuevo, vida nueva” (“New year, new life”) by the Billos Caracas Boys band can be heard playing in the background:

Eating 12 grapes on New Year's Eve

In countries like Ecuador, Argentina, Venezuela, Chile, Mexico, Colombia, and Peru, it is also customary to eat 12 grapes and make a wish with each one, since each grape represents a month of the coming year.

This custom comes from Spain and has spread to Portugal and Latin America. According to National Geographic, one of the hypotheses for the origin of this tradition is that it dates back to 1909, when there was a good harvest of grapes, and the producers sold the surplus, marking the fruit as “lucky grapes.”

According to this tradition, one grape should be eaten every second in the last 12 seconds of the year. However, it is very difficult to manage to eat 12 grapes in 12 seconds, especially while hugging those close to us and wishing them a good year. Some say that the key is to choose small, seedless grapes. Maybe by following this advice we will finally succeed in eating them this year!

Ven que la gente hace las cábalas de Año nuevo y se comen las 12 uvas pic.twitter.com/D0Cn10XIwD

— Liss_25a (@liss3377) December 12, 2022

People make New Year's predictions and eat the 12 grapes

Burning an old doll or “puppet”

In many countries, such as Honduras, Panama, Venezuela, Uruguay, Chile, Ecuador, and Colombia, and some cities in Argentina, a monigote (doll) is made that represents the old year.

There are dolls of all sizes. They are generally the size of a person, but there are smaller ones and much larger ones as well. They are made with different materials, such as cardboard, sawdust, rags, and newspapers. They can be painted, dressed, and don a mask of a well-known character from television, entertainment, or politics who had a significant role in that year, and who, many times, symbolizes a negative aspect of that year. For example, in 2020 and 2021 it was popular to burn dolls that personified COVID-19. Just after midnight, the doll is burned to bid farewell to the old year and welcome the new one.

“For Panamanians, the meaning of this custom is purification. The dolls of the old year are a symbolic representation of the negative things that happened during the year, they are in the doll and burn along with it,” explains a Panamanian media outlet. One of the theories of the origin of this tradition mentions that it goes back to the threat of yellow fever in Guayaquil, Ecuador, in 1895.

Some dare to jump over the fire, which is often very high, to symbolize the passage from one year to the next. The following video, from Ecuador, shows a big fire from burning several dolls:

Dressing up as a widow

In Ecuador, there is also a tradition for men to dress up as “widows.” Generally, they dress in funny or dark clothes, and go out into the street pretending to cry for the year that “has died.” In addition, they ask for coins to pay for the “wake” of the old year and the life of the “widow,” who supposedly is left without a livelihood. Some people also write a will with funny verses and poems to bid farewell to the year and recite them to passing people and vehicles.

What is needed in order to “be a good widow” in the new year are “clothes that should flatter your figure; the wig, your eyes and, yes, you can't miss the false breasts, while attitude is the most important thing,” advises Daniel Pavón, 22, in the Ecuadorian press.

Bringing out the firecrackers

In many Latin American and Caribbean countries, there are no New Year's Eve parties without firecrackers. For example, in El Salvador, exploding small firecrackers among family and friends has become an unavoidable tradition. The markets are filled with various types of firecrackers for everyone, each with its name, such as gallitos (roosters), estrellitas (little stars) and volcancitos (little volcanoes) for children, and metralletas (machine guns) for adults to have fun.

There were attempts to regulate the marketing of some pyrotechnics, but they continue to be sold and used on a large scale to celebrate the Christmas season. When they burst into the neighborhoods at midnight, they give an additional rhythm to the cumbia music that sounds in the houses and the smell of delicious New Year's Eve meals. The following video shows a typical firecracker scene:

While you participate in these traditions, you can listen to our following selection of the most popular Christmas and New Year's songs in Latin America:

Originally published on Global Voices

Illustration by Global Voices based on screenshot of María Cristina/Youtube

A 76-year-old Argentinian woman has gained “45 million grandchildren” and is also dubbed “Messi's grandma” following Argentina's rise to the top in the World Cup in Qatar. Football fan María Cristina, who prefers not to share her last name, became viral for her support for Argentina's national football team.

People began singing “Abuela, lalalalala” (‘Grandma, lalalalala’) to her on the streets, and the tune has become a hit throughout the country. T-shirts, mugs and other merchandising items with the slogan have already been created.

@octaruggero CAMPEONES DEL MUNDO CÁRAJO! #qatar2022 #seleccionargentina #abuelalala #mundial #worldcup ♬ sonido original – octaruggero

WORLD CHAMPIONS, DAMMIT!

Whenever Argentina would win a game, she would leave her home in the neighborhood of Liniers, Buenos Aires, to celebrate on the street. It started when Argentina won against Poland on November 31. Even though she hadn't watched the game, when Argentina won, joyful people in the streets inspired her to go party with them. Then the anthem, going on the tunes of “Go West” by Pet Shop Boys, was born.

ABUELAAA LA LA LA #AbuelaLalala #LaScaloneta #Argentina #Qatar2022 pic.twitter.com/IS3qp1sPbq

— Númana Oficial (@NumanaOficial) December 13, 2022

Since then, every time Argentina's selection won a game, more and more people throughout the country would sing the song, especially to elderly women who would go celebrate the wins in their neighborhoods. Argentines started singing to them as a ritual for luck in the tournament.

On December 13, after Argentina won the match against Croatia, neighbors in Rosario, Lionel Messi's hometown in Santa Fe province, started singing to another elderly woman who for some reason people assumed was Messi's actual grandmother, though she was not — both Messi's grandmothers have passed.

That “grandma” did not go out but she cheered from her window. Fans were singing “She's Messi's grandma“:

The following video shows another “abuela,” this time in the city of San Juan, in the Cuyo region.

En San Juan también tenemos una #Abuelalalalalaa pic.twitter.com/8Zgisyi4vF

— 𓃰ᚲᚨᚱᛚᛟᛊ𓃰 (@Vet_Sanjuanino) December 18, 2022

In San Juan we also have an #Abuelalalalala

María Cristina's niece opened a Twitter account for her a few days ago, which already has nearly 30 thousand followers. She uses it to highlight other grandpas and grandmas as well.

“Thank you for such nice messages, life did not give me the opportunity to have grandchildren. I received a loving message this morning that said that I am the grandmother of many Argentines. I am very touched,” she wrote. She also wishes that all the grandparents in Argentina could have as much love as the one she is receiving. She tweeted that she wants other grandpas and grandmas to be part of the spotlight, and asked them to send over their photos.

For Argentinian feminist writer Luciana Peker, it's “about recognition, integration, and a homage to older women who are once again valuable and bold.”

“Grandma is revered, because we do not need queens, and they douse her with foam because soccer is our carnival,” she continues.

A ella, la cábala, el personaje de este mundial…
Somos campeonxs @Abuelalalalalaa !!!!#AbuelaLalala #abuela #ArgentinaCampeon#Argentina
#seleccionargentina#qatar2022 #mbohearte pic.twitter.com/ovAG1l3e9r

— Macarena Bohe (@MacarenaBohe) December 18, 2022

To her, the lucky charm, the star of this World Cup…
We are the champions, Abuelalalalalaa!!!

Originally published on Global Voices

Image created by Global Voices with Canva.

For the first time, Argentina's upcoming census will ask questions on gender and ethnic identity. LGBTIQ+, Indigenous, and Afro-Argentine communities have celebrated the news as a landmark moment in terms of their recognition by the State and society.

Under the slogan #Reconocernos (“Acknowledging ourselves”), the National Population, Household, and Housing Census will take place in Argentina on May 18. It was originally scheduled for October 2020 but had to be postponed due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

Carried out by the National Statistics and Census Institute (INDEC), the new census incorporates several new features. Firstly, it is available in a digital format, which has been live since March 16 and can be completed online on any device with an internet connection.

Secondly, the census will differentiate households from dwellings for the first time (there is now the option of having more than one household within the same dwelling). This will better reflect the different real-life living situations of households across the country. It will also include questions on self-perceived gender and ethnic identity, in particular those of African descent and Indigenous peoples.

As of April 14, around 4.2 million people had already completed the online version of the census.

CENSO 2022 CON PERSPECTIVA DE GÉNERO Y ETNIA El #Censo Nacional de Población, Hogares y Vivienda se realizará entre marzo y mayo del 2022. Por primera vez se incluirán preguntas sobre la autopercepción de la identidad de género y sobre el autorreconocimiento étnico. pic.twitter.com/rGSp3sahWr

— Feminacida (@Feminacida) December 22, 2021

2022 CENSUS WITH GENDER AND ETHNICITY PERSPECTIVE. The #National Population, Household and Housing Census will take place between March and May 2022. It will include questions on gender and ethnic identity for the first time.

Gender diverse country

The inclusion of gender identity in the census will paint a picture of the demographic reality of a significant portion of the Argentine population. A national census not only collects data on the number of inhabitants of a country, but also on their socioeconomic, health, and cultural conditions. This makes it possible to create future public policies suited to the population's varying circumstances. Argentina is the first country in South America to capture more information on gender identity.

In 2019, when the list of questions was made public, Marcela Tobaldi from the La Rosa Naranja Civil Association and a member of the 100% Diversity and Rights National Network told Clarín newspaper:

Tenemos el convencimiento de que terminar con la invisibilidad estadística del grupo travesti trans constituirá una bisagra en términos de políticas de población, lo que brindará el insumo necesario para el desarrollo de políticas públicas urgentes de reparación e inclusión.

We are convinced that ending the statistical invisibility of the trans community will lead to a change in population policies. This will provide the data necessary for the development of urgent public policies of reparation and inclusion.

The questionnaire first asks about the respondent's sex recorded at birth, which was assigned by their family. The options are male, female or none of the above. This provides a continuation of previous censuses. The next question asks about the respondent's gender identity and provides eight possible options.

Screenshot of the section of the census that asks about sex and self-perceived gender. Source: Website of Argentina's 2022 Census.

There have been major advances in Argentina for the LGTBIQ+ community since the last census in 2010, including the Equal Marriage Act, the Gender Identity Act, and the Transgender Employment Quota Act. It was therefore important that the new census collected data in accordance with the realities already recognised in existing laws and in society itself.

Multi-ethnic Argentina

The census also expands on the subject of Indigenous peoples and now includes questions on the self-recognition of people as descendants of these groups and also on the use of their languages. Several Indigenous organisations coordinated the ‘Soy de raíces indígenas‘ (I am of Indigenous descent) campaign, which encouraged the population to respond proudly to the questions about their roots.

Verónica Azpiroz Cleñan is a member of the Mapuche Indigenous people and is part of the Indigenous Professionals’ Network. She spoke about the importance of this new question to Agencia Presentes:

Lo más importante es que Argentina tiene que mirarse a sí misma y reconocer que su argentinidad está compuesta por un entrecruzamiento de Pueblos Originarios destinados a desaparecer en el diseño de país. Lo primero es bajar el nivel de racismo en la sociedad. Necesitamos que los datos muestren que lxs argentinxs no descendieron de los barcos. La ciudadanía argentina es pluriétnica.

It is important for Argentina to look at itself and recognise that its heritage is comprised of an intermingling of Indigenous Peoples who are destined to disappear within the make-up of the country. The first thing we need to do is to diminish the level of racism in society. We need the data to show that Argentines did not descend from the ships. The Argentine population is multi-ethnic.

There was however a question in the 2010 census on Afro-descendant identity, but only as a sample on 10 percent of the forms. In the upcoming census, everyone will be asked: “Do you identify as Afro-descendant or do you have black or African ancestors?”

This is an important step forward for the Afro-Argentine organisations that have fought for decades against the systematic invisibility and myth of a white and European Argentina, which now seems to be on its way out.

Screenshot of the section of the census that asks about Indigenous and African identity, and on the use of indigenous languages. Source: Website of Argentina's 2022 Census.

Challenges, controversies, and injunctions

While these developments have been welcomed by the communities concerned and by the majority of the population, there has also been criticism voiced from some quarters. For example, one of the first complaints arose from doubts about data protection and the lack of anonymity of the digital census.

In February, the Indigenous Professionals’ Network filed an injunction to prevent the census forms from being printed. They complained that the question concerning ethnic identity did not include a list of Indigenous peoples (it is instead an open question and asks the respondent to name which Indigenous group they belong to), which they believed would result in statistical invisibility.

Adriana Gerez. Pueblo Diaguita. Algunas de sus frases: Desde el tejido de profesionales indígenas exigimos que en el Censo 2022 se formulen las preguntas de modo tal que los pueblos originarios seamos vistos con mayor nitidez. (hilo) pic.twitter.com/vUrGm3cZcq

— Caminos Ancestrales (@CaminosAncestr3) March 28, 2022

Adriana Gerez. Diaguita people (a group of Indigenous people native to Chile and Argentina). We, the network of Indigenous professionals, demand that in the 2022 Census the questions be formulated in such a way that more attention is given to native peoples. (thread)

With regards to the question on gender identity, researcher and activist Marce Joan Butiérrez wrote an article for LATFEM in which she analysed the various challenges of recognising the trans population in national statistics:

La pregunta sobre sexo pone al encuestadx en una situación de “confesión” de una información sensible y personal; y las opciones brindadas en la respuesta a la pregunta sobre identidad de género son poco precisas y exhaustivas, lo que se prestaría a confusiones y fallos en la medición.

The question on sex forces the respondent to reveal sensitive and personal information; and the options given in the answer to the question on gender identity are inaccurate and exhaustive, which would lead to confusion and incorrect records.

Furthermore, a group of women filed a controversial injunction against the 2022 Census, claiming that the question on “sex assigned at birth” should only say “sex,” and that “female” and “male” should not be considered as identities.

Despite the criticism, most organisations and communities agree that this census is a huge step forward. It could be considered to be a transitional census between the past and the future, given that there are still many challenges to overcome in order for it to become an adequate tool for surveying the population in all its diversity.

Originally published on Global Voices

Still from the music video Mujer, a BAGNER production.

A young couple dances to the sound of Argentinean folk music known as “chamamé,” their steps synchronize, their bodies touch tenderly, their gazes meet and break, they hold each other, kiss and merge in a harmonious cadence, in an atmosphere of dreamlike eroticism. It seems like the perfect romantic date, but with an uncertain ending, which suggests awkwardness, like the ups and downs of romantic relationships that have just begun, when they are just getting to know each other.

All the complexities of this romantic story come together in the video for the song Mujer, the first single by the subversive artist collective Bagner. The minute and a half video that combines eroticism and romance with Argentine coastal folklore is an ambitious project to save from oblivion the sounds, emotions, and traditions with a renewed and diverse perspective.

What is chamamé? It is a cultural expression of music and dance typical of northeastern Argentina, mainly in the province of Corrientes, but also in Paraguay, Uruguay, southern Bolivia, and Brazil. It combines Guaraní, Afro-American, and European elements, and is a fundamental component of the regional identity.

On Dec. 16, 2020, UNESCO included chamamé in the list of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. Mujer was released on the same day. For producer Steven Bagner, it was a wonderful coincidence, as he feels chamamé is very close to his roots. Steven Bagner tells Global Voices:

Each province of Argentina has different rhythms, with their own characteristics and their own regional flavor. And that is what we are defending, and above all, making it our own and deconstructing it, to include and show diversity.

From Morón to St. Petersburg

Steven Bagner. Picture by Cotton, copyright Bagner, used with permission.

Steven Bagner is the name of the producer, and Bagner is also the name of the multicultural collective of dissident artists, mainly belonging to the LGTBI+ community, working on various musical and audiovisual projects.

The key players of Bagner are Steven, Argentinean musician and producer; Zara Taylor, Canadian singer; and Lilith Mogilat, creative director, of Argentinean origin but based in Russia since her childhood. Other artists and occasional talents who participate in different projects are also part of the team.

A native of Morón, a town west of Buenos Aires, Steven defines the collective as an organization that is more horizontal than pyramidal. It seeks diversity of ideas and people by prioritizing a vision outside the mainstream social point of view and outside the capital where resources are concentrated. Bagner says:

Hiring and paying people from trans collectives, from our modest position, we can generate work, we can be inclusive, we can generate diversity, there are things to do. We are artivists and we seek to generate discomfort through art, so that the viewer can re-think. We believe that music is not only for entertainment, it can help to re-think.

Lilith (right) on the set of Mujer. Picture by Cotton, copyright Bagner, used with permission.

Mujer was filmed inside an apartment in St. Petersburg, Russia. One of the models is trans, but it is not specified which one. It is only at the end of the movie that we can read the line “So you are FTM”. It touches on the source of the awkwardness associated with assuming a person's gender based on their appearance and the difficulties of addressing sexuality in an intimate encounter.

The video is censored in Russia because it is deemed to go against the legislation prohibiting “homosexual propaganda.” Perhaps that is why it is even more important for the Russian actors of Mujer to be part of the project and to know that they are visible outside their own country:

As she travels back and forth, Lilith could see in a very distinct way the differences. For example, in Buenos Aires, Argentina, the laws have been progressively advancing the visibility of the LGBT community. But in Russia, it's all going backwards. So for these young people to be able to participate in the video…. I can't explain with words the value it holds.

Gender roles in Argentine folklore

Thanks to new historical research, it is now known that women played a fundamental role in the origins of chamamé and that, over time, they were made invisible and relegated to the background. Mujer reclaims womanhood in folklore:

In all the popular and traditional dances, at least in Argentina, the patriarchy is the backbone. This means that women are always the weaker ones, the ones to mold, to control. Men are the virile and strong ones. And I think it is part of our roots. But we also invite to question if this is still what we want.

Queer tango also reclaimed the original roles and questioned the vision of heterosexuality as the only valid model of sex-affective relationships, and today it is a movement that has become popular and attracts LGTBI+ people from all over the world to visit Buenos Aires.

Such affirmation of the feminine is best appreciated in Bagner's second single, La Rosa Cruz, a highly symbolic tango that addresses a more personal issue for Steven:

It has to do with a frustrated, dejected musician who only finds empowerment when he recognizes the feminine part of himself. […] Once I embraced all that I am, I was able to start building something that was important for others and create these cultural alliances. It seemed to me that I could say, with pride, I am South American, I am from the countryside, it was the best role I could play.

Both the lyrics and the name express the beauty born from pain; the symbolic burden that weighs on his body like a cross; the rebirth and empowerment. It also has a religious and spiritual charge: “To separate the religious from the State, to live the religion and spirituality from another side, is very present in what we do.”

In contrast, there is no known precedent of LGTBI+ or “queer chamamé.” Mujer is a pioneering project that touches on traditions deeply rooted in the regional culture, and although there were inevitable adverse reactions from traditionalist voices, in general, the balance has been positive, with good reception among young audiences.

We knew that what we were going to do within Argentina and within Argentine folklore was a big challenge. The otherness is greatly invisible. We knew that we were putting, as they say here, “all the meat on the grill.” We were pouring all our ideology. We were showing ourselves genuinely, showing ourselves openly. […] We build on the tradition, also we do it with a lot of respect. […] The folklore, if it continues to remain so closed, so structured… will eventually disappear.

Bagner's work was well-received not only in Argentina but also in neighboring countries, from where he continues to attract people to collaborate in new projects in order to rescue other folkloric forms of expression in the region.

We continue to work and see how we can weave networks that will help us culturally to connect and generate more diversity. We are investigating, experimenting and recording a lot of genres and musical traditions, not only from Argentina but also from other countries. A new single will be released very soon.

Originally published on Global Voices

Militants from the Federal Campaign for Separation of State and Churches at Pride March, June 2018. Photo by Leonardo Miranda Quiroga, posted on Instagram and used with permission.

In January 2021, after abortion was legalized in Argentina, the orange handkerchief movement, the symbol of the campaign for State-Church separation, emerged with a renewed force. 

Within a few weeks, the group behind the orange campaign received numerous inquiries and new supporters through its profiles on social media. It also initiated information campaigns, provided information on the process of formally leaving the church, and shared complaints of abuse of power, genocides, religious interference in education and law, and child abuse or its cover-up. They also gave interviews with figures from different social and political sectors.

Vamos por la separación definitiva del estado y la iglesia! Súmate desde tu provincia a nuestro móvimiento! #estadolaico #AbortoLegal2020 #SeraLey #naranja #curas #asuntoseparados #laicismo #igualdad pic.twitter.com/Zj2rr7b5bR

— Campaña Fed. Por La Separación Estado/Iglesia (@CampEstadoLaico) January 2, 2021

We are aiming for the final separation of the state and the church! Join our movement from your province! #secularstate #LegalAbortion2020 #ItWillBecomeLaw #orange #priests #differentmatters #secularism #equality pic.twitter.com/Zj2rr7b5bR — Fed. Campaign for Seperation of State/Church (@CampEstadoLaico) January 2, 2021

With the slogan “Church and State: Different Matters,” this campaign fights for the establishment of a secular Argentine State that does not allocate public funds for the Catholic Church. Above all, the movement wants a state where religious beliefs — Catholic or otherwise — do not shape policies that affect the full exercise of rights. It is not only religious lobbying, but history shows that legislators have used religion as a reason to vote against basic human rights, such as divorce, same-sex marriage, the Gender Identity Law, the right to abortion, and comprehensive sexual education. In return, they receive support (and votes) from people who share those beliefs.

Nicolás Panotto is a theologian and the managing director of Otros Cruces, an NGO that advocates for religious freedom in harmony with democracy. He explains the campaign's boom:

Ya a inicios de 2018 se vivió una indignación generalizada al conocerse sobre los 130 millones de pesos (unos 4.6 millones de dólares) que el Estado argentino otorga a la iglesia católica para cubrir los sueldos de la curia, los estudios de seminaristas y otros gastos “filantrópicos”. Pero el debate sobre el aborto ha mostrado que la vinculación orgánica entre Estado e iglesia sobrepasa lo financiero, y mete la cola como un factor determinante y excluyente en el tratamiento de políticas públicas, donde los intereses particulares (entre ellos religiosos) no deberían ser condicionantes.

Already at the beginning of 2018, a general indignation arose when we found out about the 130 million pesos (about 4.6 million dollars) granted by the Argentine State to the Catholic Church to cover the salaries of the Curia, seminary studies and other “philanthropic” expenses. But the debate on abortion has shown that the inherent relationship between the State and Church goes beyond the financial, as it meddles in treatment of public policies, where individual (and religious) interests should not be determinants.

One could say, then, that the orange campaign arose from “the green tide” fighting for abortion rights. The orange campaign quickly became visible during the first debate in 2018 about the Voluntary Interruption of Pregnancy Law, where it reacted to the strong pressure of the church during the debates and the voting as well as to speeches marked by religion that prevailed among those who opposed the law.

When it comes to separating the state from the church, we tend to think only of the Catholic Church. However, the campaign emphasizes “churches” (plural). The latest survey of religious beliefs in Argentina, carried out by CONICET, shows that the number of people professing Catholicism is decreasing, while the number of people practicing the evangelical religion, with much more conservative doctrines than the Catholic one, is increasing. This gives leaders and representatives in Latin America a greater push in political and social power: in 2019, they presented more than 200 candidates on the electoral lists for various positions.

The struggle for a secular Argentine state dates back to the beginning of the republic in the 1800s, followed by another struggle after 1950. This recent campaign began with a Facebook group created in 2018 by Taty Barranco, feminist militant and activist for human rights, diversity, and gender. The aim of the group was to bring together people who felt uncomfortable or aggrieved by the imposition of religious dogmas in public and private educational settings.

Coming from Salta, one of the most religious and conservative provinces in Argentina, Taty spoke to Infobae about the strong religious influence in their life:

Mi mamá creció en el campo, en un lugar muy conservador de Salta. Fue criada por una mujer muy religiosa, que siempre ejerció su violencia psicológica con un rosario en la mano. […] Quedó embarazada de mí a los 19 años, y la violencia por parte de esa mujer empeoró. ¿Por qué? Por el dogma religioso y moral que dice que si te quedas embarazada joven sos una prostituta.

My mother grew up in the countryside, in a very conservative place in Salta. She was raised by a very religious woman, who always exercised psychological violence on her with a rosary in her hand. […] She became pregnant with me at age 19, and the violence by that woman worsened. Why? Because of the religious and moral dogma that state that if you get pregnant young, you are a prostitute.

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A post shared by Separación Estado/Iglesia CABA (@separacionestadoiglesia.caba)

In a few days, the Facebook group created by Barranco reached 40,000 members, which raised the need to organize and divide tasks. Together, and inspired by the green handkerchief, they came up with the design and color of the scarf. This is how the orange handkerchief was born.

Little by little, they created committees and regional movements to spread the activism and to make the campaign more nationally and geographically diverse. Its members are of all political, social, and even religious affinities, but with a common vision: that religious institutions and beliefs should be limited to individual life choices and be kept away from public affairs that affect the lives of citizens as a whole.

One of the focal points of the campaign is the apostasies — the formal renunciation of the link with the Catholic institution consecrated in the sacrament of baptism. It is an individual but very important symbolic action, and many people approach the campaign asking how to apostatize and stay to support the cause.

Another focal point is the Secular Public Space initiative, which registers and denounces the presence of religious monuments and symbols in non-religious public spaces, such as squares, parks, courts, hospitals, train and subway stations, offices, universities, and public schools.

Because it is a self-organized group, it still does not have legal status nor does it receive financial support from the state, from supporters, or from private individuals. The group consists of people who voluntarily contribute their time and knowledge and who organize themselves mostly through social networks.

They recently joined the coalition Argentine Secular Organizations (OLA), created in March 2021, hoping to join forces and ending the privileges of the religious institutions and their representatives by repealing all laws and decrees, including Article 2 of the National Constitution, which state that “the federal government supports the Roman Catholic Apostolic faith,” to eliminate pecuniary benefits paid out of the pocket of the State (that is, of its taxpayers).

At the moment, the orange campaign is focused on spreading activism, becoming known, attracting militants and support, building alliances, and informing and educating the public with varied material of high quality through their accounts on Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram, hoping to grow and expand throughout Latin America, as the green tide did.

Although they have made significant progress this year, the system that they seek to change is still very solid, and it is so deeply embedded in the social and cultural matrix that, at times, it is invisible to many people. The aim of the group was first expressed by Barranco in an interview with the medium La Tinta:

Nos interesa viralizar información e instalar el debate, porque lo que no se ve, no existe.

We are interested in making the information viral and initiating the debate, because what is unseen, is unknown.

Originally published on Global Voices

“We Declare Ourselves Rebels”. Photo from the feminist group Uquira, used and remixed with permission.

In Venezuela, the #MeToo movement is back in the spotlight with more intensity in 2021. A new wave of accusations has given rise to the “YoTeCreoVzla” (“IBelieveYouVenezuela”) movement. The voices of survivors of harassment, abuse, and rape have multiplied on social media in recent days through expressions of support with the hashtags #YoSiTeCreoVzla and #YoTeCreoVzla. Many Venezuelan women agree there had been previous complaints, but they were not given much importance until now, leading to an abrupt awakening.

The wave gained momentum on April 20, 2021, with the creation of the Instagram account @AlejandroSojoEstupro, which compiles allegations of sexual abuse perpetrated by musician Alejandro Sojo. Sojo had already been reported for harassment in 2018 through a Twitter thread from the account “Libertad.” Libertad deleted the thread months later, overwhelmed by the avalanche of messages of mockery, discredit, and hate.

According to Venezuelan news site Cinco8, Sojo published a statement and closed his Instagram account on April 24, and more allegations began to rain down on the Venezuelan art scene. Testimonies appeared against members of other bands, including Okills, Le Cinemá, and Tomates Fritos. Almost immediately, the claims against the Venezuelan rock scene expanded to the entire cultural sphere, involving writers, journalists, visual artists, and others.

On April 28, there was an explosion when “Pía” denounced a relatively well-known Venezuelan writer, Willy McKey, for having committed statutory rape between 2015 and 2016, when she was 16 and he was 36. McKey put together publications on Instagram acknowledging what he did, with texts that seemed to defend women's rights, which attracted criticism from many of his female followers. Veronica Ruiz del Vizo, a specialist in social media and digital marketing, made a Twitter thread explaining why McKey's post was problematic:

Se que debes estar leyendo @WillyMcKey. Sabes la relación cercana y amigos en común. Desde mi profesión hablo, porque hoy tengo el corazón roto.

Quiero decir públicamente que me preocupa tu estrategia de redes sociales. La selección de los colores en tus publicaciones.

— Veronica Ruiz del Vizo (@VeroRuizdelVizo) April 29, 2021

I know you must be reading this @WillyMcKey. You know our close relationship and mutual friends. I am speaking from my profession, because I am heartbroken today.

I want to say publicly that I am concerned about your social media strategy. The selection of colors in your posts.

That same afternoon, when he already had an international arrest warrant following accusations of sexual abuse, McKey died by suicide in Buenos Aires. On social media, users asked to focus the narrative on survivors and not on the aggressor.

Meanwhile, some Venezuelan women fear the possible politicization of the complaints for political ends. For example, in a country where campaigns to harass and discredit journalists are common, the Venezuelan Public Prosecutor's Office opened investigations against journalists. The most relevant case is the investigation against Víctor Amaya, editor in chief of Diario TalCual, and César Batiz, director of the independent media El Pitazo, mentioned by an anonymous account which, to date, has not attracted more direct and substantiated complaints. Journalists from El Pitazo signed a statement rejecting the accusations against Batiz, and later, journalists from TalCual did the same for Amaya. In light of these two cases, people ask the government not to exploit the movement to persecute dissidents.

Online reactions

Feminist activist Luisa Kislinger draws attention to the fact that #MeToo had not yet reached Venezuela, until now:

Nunca tuve dudas de que el #MeToo llegaría a #Venezuela en algún momento

Y llegó

A quienes piden “perdón,” sepan que ello no reemplaza la responsabilidad por los delitos cometidos

A las valientes víctimas y sobrevivientes que cuentan sus historias, mi apoyo para Uds #YoTeCreo

— Luisa Kislinger? (@kislingerluisa) April 28, 2021

I never had any doubt that #MeToo would reach #Venezuela at some point.

And it came.

To those who ask for “forgiveness,” please know that this does not replace the responsibility for the crimes committed

To the brave victims and survivors who tell their stories, I support you #IBelieveYou

Journalist Oscar Medina responded to critics who claim that filing complaints in the country's judicial system is better than making public accusations on social media. He explained that the Venezuelan state does not have the capacity nor the political will to help reach justice. Although legislators passed an important reform against gender violence in 2018, the failure to implement it reflects the lack of institutional will to enforce it:

¿Cuál sistema legal y judicial será ese al que mandan a acudir a víctimas de abuso en lugar de hacer denuncias públicas? ¿En qué fantasía viven? ¿De verdad creen que una víctima de acoso o de estupro puede confiar en eso?

— oscar medina (@oscarmedina1) April 28, 2021

Which legal and judicial system will be the one to which they send victims of abuse to instead of making public complaints? What fantasy do they live in? Do they really believe that a victim of harassment or rape can rely on that?

Writer Oriette D'Angelo commented on the lack of media attention the allegations have received in the past:

Algunas mujeres del mundo literario venezolano tenemos AÑOS denunciando los abusos que hemos sufrido por parte de escritores/profesores de nuestro entorno.

Aquí dejo un hilo de algunas de las denuncias y notas de prensa que han salido en los últimos años:

— Oriette D'Angelo (@oriettedangelo) April 28, 2021

Some of us women in the Venezuelan literary world have been speaking out for YEARS about the abuses we have suffered at the hands of writers/professors in our environment.

Here I leave a thread of some of the allegations and press releases that have come out in recent years:

Complaints against professors, for example, also filled the internet in recent days, such as the one made by Valeria Maza about a professor at the Universidad Santa María (USM) in Caracas:

Caracas, 28/04/21.
Hoy denuncio por este medio a Rogelio Díaz, el acosador de muchas usemistas. Este hombre es un político de COPEI que se esconde detrás de un discurso feminista y de buen tipo mientras le solicita fotos desnudas a sus estudiantes para pasarles la materia pic.twitter.com/OgaHueE7r2

— Valeria Maza (@valamaze) April 29, 2021

Caracas, 04/28/21.
Today I hereby denounce Rogelio Diaz, the harasser of many USM students. This man is a COPEI [Social Christian Party in Venezuela] politician who hides behind a feminist and nice guy discourse while he asks for naked pictures of his students to pass the course.

Regarding McKey's suicide, many users emphasized that McKey's victims were not responsible for his act. Others, such as journalist Mariel Lozada, called for focusing the narrative on the victims:

No olvidemos los hechos. No le demos la vuelta a la narrativa. No le quitemos el poder a las mujeres que finalmente se atrevieron a hablar.

— Mariel Lozada (@marielozadab) April 29, 2021

Let's not forget the facts. Let us not turn the narrative on its head. Let's not disempower the women who finally dared to speak out.

Attorney Beatriz Borges emphasized that machismo is a societal problem:

Cuando se visibiliza la violencia que tiene su base en la discriminación y desigualdad, es cuando te das cuenta que los chistes machistas no dan risa, solo reflejan una sociedad que normaliza la violencia. Escuchar dolorosos testimonios la pone en su real dimensión. #YoSiTeCreo

— Bibi Borges (@BEABOR) April 29, 2021

When violence, which is based on discrimination and inequality, becomes visible, that's when you realize that sexist jokes do not make you laugh, they only reflect a society that normalizes violence. Listening to painful testimonies puts it in its real dimension. #YoSiTeCreo

On social media, various users also expressed concern about the intermittent blocking of the hashtag #YoSiTeCeCreo on Facebook:

Facebook bloquea temporalmente los contenidos con la etiqueta #YoSiTeCreo en varios países de América Latina, incluyendo Venezuela, Argentina y Chile. pic.twitter.com/Hwl3oJ18fn

— Iria Puyosa (@NSC) April 30, 2021

Facebook temporarily blocks content with the hashtag #YoSiTeTeCreo in several Latin American countries, including Venezuela, Argentina and Chile.

Journalist and Global Voices contributor Gabriela Mesones Rojo, like many, empathized with the women who publicly denounced those who tormented them, and shared a directory of psychological and legal assistance services for victims of gender-based violence:

No tengo palabras para expresar la indignación que siento. Mi empatía absoluta con las víctimas de @WillyMcKey. A ellas les agradezco la valentía y el esfuerzo de sus testimonios.

Les creemos, no están solas, las heridas van a sanar.

— Gaby Mesones Rojo (@unamujerdecente) April 29, 2021

I have no words to express the outrage I feel. My absolute empathy with the victims of @WillyMcKey. I thank them for the courage and effort of their testimonies.

We believe you, you are not alone, the wounds will heal.

Originally published on Global Voices

‘The next one will be me.’ A performative action from @vibramujer and the visual artist Julia Bronstein, based on Jean René’s @insideoutproject. March 8, 2021, Buenos Aires, Argentina. Photo by co-author Romina Navarro.

International Women's Day celebrated on March 8 has become a day of marches for women's rights and equality throughout the world. Although COVID-19 dampened participation in many countries, women still raised their voices on the streets on different continents, especially as the pandemic has worsened inequalities faced by women in terms of labor, household chores, and gender violence. In 2021, women and LGBTQ+ people marched against political and gender violence and for reproductive and sexual health. Here is a wrap-up from Latin America, the Middle East, Asia, and Europe on March 8, 2021, based on tweets and contributors’ photos.

Latin America and the Caribbean

In Trinidad and Tobago, 15 local civil society groups, which included feminist, human rights, LGBTQ+, and social justice organizations, conducted a “Walk-Out for Women” on March 8. Protestors demanded immediate actions against gender-based violence and commemorated recent femicide victims.

In Buenos Aires, as well as other cities in Argentina, women and trans people gathered to protest against gender violence and the state's failure to prevent femicides, despite reports previously made by the victims.

Left: ‘I, too, like women, but I don’t harass them.’ Right: ‘Being alive should not be an accomplishment.’ Photo by co-author Romina Navarro.

In El Salvador, women marched on March 7 for women’s rights and abortion rights. They performed the song and dance of the Chilean feminist song “The Rapist is You.”

Y la culpa no era mía
Ni dónde estaba
Ni cómo vestía pic.twitter.com/xq1zUd6tZS

— Virginia ?‍? (@huishte) March 7, 2021

And the fault was not mine,
Nor where I was
Nor how I was dressed

In Ecuador, Blanca Chancosa, a leader of the indigenous movement of Ecuador, performed an ancestral ceremony before the National Electoral Council of Ecuador in Quito. Amazonian women issued a collective statement and various communities and organizations marched in several cities of the country.

#CoberturaFeminista8M
Blanca Chancosa, lideresa del movimiento indígena del #Ecuador, realiza introducción a la ceremonia ancestral en las afueras del @cnegobec en #Quito.
¡Por los derechos a la tierra, la educación, la salud, a vivir, nadie se cansa! Es el grito de las mujeres pic.twitter.com/fdPfBiABZT

— Wambra (@wambraEc) March 8, 2021

#FeministCoverage8M
Blanca Chancosa, leader of #Ecuador's indigenous movement, performs introduction to ancestral ceremony outside @cnegobec in #Quito.
For the rights to land, education, health, to live, no one tires! It is the cry of women

In Mexico, women turned the fences around the National Palace, placed days before International Women's Day, into a monument to the victims of femicide throughout the country.

#AlMomento
Las consignas #MexicoFeminicida, #AbortoLegalYa y #UnVioladorNoSeráGobernador vistieron Palacio Nacional una noche antes del #8M. Las murallas para proteger los inmuebles fueron intervenidas con nombres de víctimas de feminicidio de todo el país.
Fotos: @Maria_Efemere pic.twitter.com/TsJvgXc5DB

— Pie de Página (@PdPagina) March 8, 2021

#RightNow
The slogans #MexicoGuiltyofFemicide, #LegalAbortionNow and #ARapistWillNotBeGovernor dressed the National Palace the night before #8M. The walls that protect the buildings were plastered with names of femicide victims from all over the country.

Young feminists, unable to take to the streets on International Women's Day, protested and staged a sit-in at the Central American University (UCA) in Nicaragua. They protested against gender violence and for the liberation of political prisoners.

Photo by co-author Andrea Méndez.

In Venezuela, women's rights are deemed to have been left behind in the Bolivarian revolution, so several feminist groups on either side of the current authoritarian rule of Chavismo, have come together to demand action. Femicides and impunity around them have increased in the past year, along with poverty.

Photo by co-author Luis Carlos Díaz.

Middle East and Northern Africa

In Palestine, expressions of support, appreciation, and solidarity with women’s fight for liberation and their rights flooded social media platforms. Meanwhile, Israeli occupation forces raided an event organized by Palestinian women to celebrate identity and heritage on March 8, arresting two participants. 

Israeli occupation forces raided an exhibition under the name of “Our Heritage is Our Identity” organized by Palestinian women in the #InternationalWomensDay pic.twitter.com/MwBOP3ONAk

— PALESTINE ONLINE ?? (@P_ONLINE9) March 8, 2021

In North and East Syria, precisely in the Hassakah province, Syrian Kurdish female fighters from the Women's Protection Units (YPG) celebrated March 8 with song, traditional attire, and displays of physical strength and military training. 

Women fighters from the YPJ celebrated International Women's Day on 8 March in the Al-Hasakah province of North and East #Syria.https://t.co/pElhxMYTst pic.twitter.com/tcPSUqm4Wm

— MedyaNews (@medyanews_) March 8, 2021

In Algeria, a rally of women protested the country’s Family Code, which is seen to treat women as second-class citizens, took place in Algiers to mark International Women’s Day. 

قانون الأسرة à la poubelle
Rue Didouche Mourad
« Code de la famille à la poubelle »
“قانون الأسرة إلى المزبلة”#Alger pic.twitter.com/y8eo2JkA05

— Khaled Drareni (@khaleddrareni) March 8, 2021

“The Family Code belongs in the trash”
At Didouche Mourad street

Central and South Asia

In Pakistan, the Aurat March (Women’s March) took place in various cities of the country as the third wave of COVID-19 hit the country. The tweet below was filmed in Lahore, and the shirts depict the ages of rape victims as well as the relationship they had with their abuser. The Aurat March also presented a feminist health manifesto this year to raise awareness about women's health.

Trigger Warning
Every year #auratmarch comes forward with great ideas to highlight women issues, pains, blood and loss… this display speaks of all that babies, girls women have gone through…. #WhyIMarch #WomensDay @AuratMarch #Lahore pic.twitter.com/2fFKwMIgDX

— Umaima Ahmed (@UmaimaBlogger) March 8, 2021

In Kabul, Afghanistan, Rada Akbar, an Afghan artist and activist, began her 2021 “Abarzanan” exhibition to celebrate the achievements of Afghan women by giving a tribute to those lost to violence in Afghanistan. Also, Afghans gathered for a street art exhibition at Rebel Art Cafe on March 8.

When we started @abarzanan 3 years ago I had never imagined we would go through this, holding the exhibition for the deceased but I think everything impossible is possible here; in the absence of justice, in the absence of peace. #IWD2021 pic.twitter.com/AuSKfMCznf

— Rada Akbar (@RADAAKBAR) March 8, 2021

In Kyrgyzstan, the gathering paid tribute to women who have fought for gender equality.

Это было невероятно. Вот как прошли марши в Бишкеке и Оше, почитайте: https://t.co/EjK4JcEbtz

Фото: @LexTitova / @kloopnews#InternationalWomensDay pic.twitter.com/XwpiC9IHzg

— Bektour Iskender (@bektour) March 8, 2021

It was unbelievable. Here's how the marches in Bishkek and Osh went, read it here
Photo: @LexTitova

Southeast Asia

As Myanmar goes through a military coup, women used variations of the hashtag #htamineResistance (SarongResistance), alluding to the fact that the civil disobedience movement protestors hang women's sarongs to block the military, as it is believed that men would lose their spirituality if they touch the sarong. Women have also been on the frontlines of the protests.

“HtaMain” Resistance, Yangon and Mandalay March 4, People are hanging women sarongs at the front lines of strikes to delay and deter the military junta security forces from entering. It is a wide spread superstition that walking under the HtaMain will loose men’s power/influence. pic.twitter.com/RngTSdj8KO

— Than Htaik Aung (@ThanHtaikAung20) March 4, 2021

In Jakarta, Indonesia, women and non-binary people gathered under the rain to head towards the Presidential Palace. Yet, they could not reach their destination as the police blocked the main road and people got arrested.

Selamat Hari Perempuan Internatsional untuk para puan & trans-nonbinary seperjuangan??#InternationalWomensDay pic.twitter.com/aXCPJt9JCa

— Cabut Omnibus Law! (@Lini_ZQ) March 8, 2021

Happy International Women's Day to the ladies & trans-nonbinary alike ??

Meanwhile, in Jayapura, West Papua, indigenous women initiated a rally. This march was also stopped by the police.

8/3/21 Jayapura, West Papua

A peaceful #IWD2021  rally is blocked by police, 9 Indigenous people were briefly arrested. pic.twitter.com/pzyagluKbz

— Veronica Koman (@VeronicaKoman) March 8, 2021

Europe

In Istanbul, Turkey, thousands of women came together for the traditional March 8 Feminist Night Walk. They chanted, “We are not silent, we are not afraid, we do not obey,” and demanded the implementation of the Istanbul Convention. The next day, 18 women were taken from their homes at night by the police and detained for participating in the march along with anti-presidential slogans; they have later been released on bail.

Karaköy’e yürüyüşümüz başladı. Gelmeyen kalmasın! #8MarttaTaksimdeyim pic.twitter.com/pG5XCPkZ7n

— 8 Mart Feminist Gece Yürüyüşü (@8MartYuruyus) March 8, 2021

In Italy, feminists and transfeminists organized strikes in the main cities’ squares. They organized pickets, read poems, sang songs, danced flash mobs, and put up banners.

Photo by co-author Ardita Osmani, taken in Venice, Italy.

In Zaragoza, Spain, the demonstration was made under strict social distancing rules. In 2020, March 8 demonstrations were severely criticized for transmitting COVID-19, and demonstrations were banned in Madrid in 2021.

In Paris, France, there were no physical demonstrations. However, a giant artwork portraying a clitoris was put in front of the Eiffel tower by feminist activists, entitled “Gang du Clito” (clitoris gang). 

On a installé un clitoris géant face à la Tour Eiffel, avec @gangduclito ! #JourneeDesDroitsDesFemmes pic.twitter.com/Zo0wtprmdk

— Simone Media (@simonemediafr) March 8, 2021

We put up a huge clitories in front of the Eiffel Tower with @gangduclito! #InternationalWomensRightsDay

Originally published on Global Voices

Collage courtesy of Violeta Camarasa.

From the United Arab Emirates to Thailand, Chile or Nigeria, football is the most popular sport on our planet among men and women. 

Nearly 30 years after the first Women's World Cup took place in China in 1991, prejudice towards women playing football is “continuous across many regions of the world,” according to a recent report by world players’ union Fifpro. Women are challenged by adverse labor conditions, discrimination, sexual harassment, and unequal pay.

Despite these challenges, women's football began to be taken seriously in recent years, and not only because of the talent on the field. Women have been speaking up about sexism in their profession, news media stories on women's football have multiplied and corporate sponsors have started to pay attention. Luxury magazine Business Destinations wrote:

Women’s football has been taken to another level, with the 2019 FIFA Women’s World Cup signalling a new era of professionalisation.

Here is a short list of female footballers from around the globe who are changing the rules of the game through their talent and activism:

1. Paula Dapena

Last November, while the world devoted tributes to the late football legend Diego Maradona, a young Spanish footballer raised some eyebrows. Twenty-four-year-old Paula Dapena refused to pay homage to the adored Argentinian player before a match in Pontevedra, Spain, arguing that his skills as a footballer were not enough to wipe away multiple allegations of abuse and violence against women. Her gesture was rewarded in Spain with the award of Cidade de Pontevedra 2020, and she became a new symbol of feminism, but it came at a cost: she became a target of harsh online harassment, which included death threats.

Around the world, women who stand out in any sports often suffer from online harassment and trolling.

 

View this post on Instagram

 

A post shared by Paula Dapena (@paulads14)

2. Khalida Popal

Unfortunately, online harassment is not the only form of abuse women football players face. Sexual harassment has also been well documented. As a player of the Afghan Women National Team, Khalida Popal raised her voice in 2019 to add to the anonymous sexual abuse allegations made against the president of the Afghan football federation, Keramuddin Karim. FIFA barred Karim from the sport for life, yet the team had to stop training because of the scandal.

After a career-ending injury, Popal founded the Girl Power organization, which uses sport to help motivate and empower minorities in Europe. She is also event director of the Afghanistan Women's National Football Team as well as an ambassador of Street Child World Cup.

 

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A post shared by Khalida Popal (@khalidagirlpower)

3. Megan Rapinoe

Megan Rapinoe, winner of the Ballon d’Or Féminin and Best FIFA Women’s Player in 2019, has gained worldwide recognition both for her career on the football field with the US women’s national soccer team and for her anti-racist, feminist and LGBTQ+ activism in sports. She was included in Time Magazine’s 100 Most Influential People of 2020. 

Together with the US squad, Rapinoe joined the calls in 2019 for equal pay, which led to an ongoing lawsuit against their federation. In an interview with the BBC, the player shared her message to other women: 

“Don't settle for anything less, go for equal, go for more.” 

Disparities of pay between women and men football players has been studied in Chile, Colombia, United States and Argentina, where many women footballers are not paid at all, as they play as amateurs. In places such as Australia and the US, working conditions, which are arguably better than in other regions, are the result of the players joining unions that represent their professional interests. In September 2020, Brazil announced that it will become one of the few countries to give equal pay to their women's and men's football teams. 

 

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A post shared by Megan Rapinoe She/Her ?️‍? (@mrapinoe)

4. Yuki Nagasato

In September 2020, Yuki Nagasato, a 33-year-old Japanese 2011 World Cup winner and a prominent forward for Chicago Red Stars at the National Women’s Soccer League (NWSL), caused a sensation in Japanese society by announcing her temporary transfer to men’s amateur team Hayabusa Eleven.

In an interview for FIFA, Nagasato said she could compensate for physical differences with her fast decision-making skills. “I want women to be respected and seen for their talents first, not their gender,” she added. 

Japan Football Association is set to launch the first-ever women’s professional league in Japan in autumn 2021, the Women Empowerment League, which aims not only to develop women's football in Japan and encourage female participation but also to enhance diversity in general in Japanese society.

 

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A post shared by YuKi Nagasato (@yuki_nagasato)

5. Katayoun Khosrowyar

Iranian-American Katayoun “Kat” Khosrowyar is the first female coach in the Iranian National Women’s League. The 33-year-old moved to Iran from Tulsa, Oklahoma, where she was born, to join the national football team at the age of 17. She went on to become a coach for 14, then eventually 19 teams.

In a country where women face barriers to move, dress and train freely, Khosrowyar scouted girls from rural areas and pushed to put the team in international competitions.

In 2011, her team was disqualified from a second-round Olympic qualifying match because of the competition's ban on wearing the hijab, the headscarf which is required wear for women in Iran. FIFA had previously accepted headgear, but the hijab covers the neck as well, which was deemed unsafe, although there was no evidence for this health hazard. After three years of campaigning, women were allowed by FIFA to wear a “head covering for religious reasons,” and so “Kat” and her team finally got permission to compete internationally again.

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A post shared by Kat Khosrowyar (@kat.khosro)

 6. Sabitra “Samba” Bhandari 

“I never had proper gear or boots or even a ball. I grew up playing football with a ball made out of socks,” said Sabitra Bhandari, the highest-scoring woman footballer in Nepal, in an interview with The Kathmandu Post. “But it is because of the lessons that the sock ball taught me that I’m where I am today,” she said. “My father and mother tried to discourage me from playing with the boys, but I managed to convince them.” Today, Bhandari is the highest-scoring footballer in the Indian Women’s League. She and Anita Basnet were the first Nepali women to play in the Indian Women’s League.   

 

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A post shared by Routine of Nepal (RONB) (@routineofnepalbanda)

7. Nadiya Nighat

Nadiya Nighat, 24, is the first female football coach from Jammu and Kashmir. Choosing to play football was not easy for Nighat, who grew up in a middle-class Muslim family in a conservative neighborhood. In spite of her determination, the lack of a state women’s football team in Jammu and Kashmir meant that she had to give up her dream of representing India in a major tournament. Instead, at the age of 19, she chose to start her own football academy so that she could coach young girls who would eventually have a chance to represent their country. She has earned her AFC D & C coaching licenses and is set to apply for her B-license next time around. An A-license will qualify her to be a coach of the national women’s football team. At present, Nighat is coaching Kashmir’s first all-women’s football team Real Kashmir FC.

 

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A post shared by Nadiya Nighat (@nadiyanighat)

8. Mara Gómez

In December 2020, Mara Gómez debuted as the first trans player in a women’s national football tournament in Argentina. She is not a global first, as there are other trans footballers in American Samoa, Spain, Canada, and England. Gómez set this precedent in a country where football is entwined with national identity.

Gómez joined the club Villa San Carlos (VSC) in January 2020 but because of the pandemic lockdown she had to wait months for the Argentine Football Association's authorization as a professional player. On November 28, when she finally signed her contract with VSC, she shared on her Instagram account:

It’s been a long journey, too many obstacles, too many fears and sorrows.
What once made me think that I would never be someone, that I would never have a chance, today is reversed, today I’m fulfilling one of my biggest goals in life, the one I thought essential and that would never happen.
Today I am officially a player in the top division of female football in Argentina.

 

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A post shared by Mara Stefania Gomez (@maragomez.oficial)

9. Asisat Oshoala

On her FC Barcelona profile, Asisat Oshoala is introduced as one of Africa’s best players, and with good reason: Among other accolades, the captain of Nigeria’s national team, the Super Falcons, was named Africa’s best woman footballer of the year in 2014, 2016, 2017 and 2019. Growing up in Ikorodu, a neighborhood of Lagos, Oshoala started her career locally with FC Robo, before joining Rivers Angels sports club, a prominent Nigerian football team.

In 2015, she signed with Liverpool where her international career took off. She’s also played for Arsenal and Dalian Quanjian FC before joining FC Barcelona Femeni in 2019, becoming one of the top goal scorers on the team.

Things haven’t always been smooth-sailing for Oshoala. In several interviews, she opened up about her struggle to convince her family that football was a suitable career choice:

“No, my parents never supported me at the initial stage because I was exceptionally good in my academics. I had to drop out of school to the chagrin of my parents. It was not an easy decision but with the benefit of hindsight, I think it was the right one.”

Today, through the Asisat Oshoala Foundation, she supports young girls in Lagos who aspire to follow in her footsteps. The foundation's goal is to encourage their self-confidence in the face of great obstacles and to give them a leg up in finding a club.

 

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A post shared by Asisat Oshoala (M.O.N) (@asisat_oshoala)

10. Delphine Cascarino

Delphine Cascarino is a 24-year-old right winger playing for Olympique Lyonnais in France’s Division 1 Féminine. According to Foot d'Elles, a project dedicated to promoting football played by women, she blends organization and instinct with technique and athleticism.

Cascarino tasted World Cup glory at the U-17 Women’s World Cup in 2012. At the age of 22, Cascarino already had 10 major trophies to her name with Lyon; 3 Champions League, 3 Coupes De France and 4 French League titles.

She was nominated Player of the Match after Lyon's 3-1 triumph over Wolfsburg in the Union of European Football Associations Women's Champions League final in 2020.

 

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A post shared by Delphine Cascarino (@delphine_cascarino)

À la prochaine Cascarino.
Ne joue pas juste pour montrer au monde ce que tu peux faire. Joue pour montrer aux filles qui t’entourent ce qu’elles peuvent faire.
Ce maillot est pour toi.

See you next time, Cascarino.
Don't play just to show the world what you can do. Play to show the girls around you what they can do.
This jersey is for you.

Originally published on Global Voices

Vigil at the National Congress of Argentina, December 29, 2020. Photo by the author, used with permission.

I’ve held feminist views since childhood, long before I was able to call them feminist. My greatest lessons in learning and awareness, however, arrived much more recently. The year 2018 was the point at which I could no longer be a mere political spectator and felt propelled to participate in collective activism, spurred by the first-ever debate by Argentina’s Senate on a bill in support of legal voluntary abortion.

Early on the morning of December 30, 2020, I woke up in near disbelief to historic news: The Senate approved The Voluntary Interruption of Pregnancy Law.

That previous evening, I had stood waiting amid throngs in the streets. We were collectively straining against our many anxieties, including uncertainty at not knowing a few key senators’ positions, fears of the bill’s possible rejection, and brimming emotions for everything our culminating efforts had achieved from the last few years up to this point. I regretted leaving before the results were in, but awoke thrilled to see the reactions of those who remained at the vigil until 5 in the morning, when the decision was finally made.

? El momento del resultado. Escuchen eso, piel de gallina.#ESLEY pic.twitter.com/sbeLD1PSqY

— Sole (@ssoledad1983_) December 30, 2020

? The moment the results came in. Listen to that, goosebumps.#ESLEY [#ITSLAW]  pic.twitter.com/sbeLD1PSqY

— Sole (@ssoledad1983_) December 30, 2020

For nearly all of 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic impeded mass gatherings and led activists to adopt virtual platforms. Once the strictest measures were lifted, however, social activism took to the streets again.

On November 16, 2020, after facing mounting pressure from feminist organizations, Argentine President Alberto Fernández at last fulfilled a promise he had made in early March to present a bill before Congress to legalize voluntary abortion (an act that had stalled as the nation underwent COVID-19 emergency measures).

Briefings began under a tight schedule on December 1 in the Lower House, and the historic result was achieved on the early morning of the 30th.

On key dates, the National Campaign for the Right to Legal, Safe and Free Abortion organized live social media reportage, rallies, and vigils at the National Congress and across every city in Argentina to show support for the bill and demand representatives cast a vote in favor of the right to decide. Attendees were urged to take caution with masks and hand sanitizers, and to avoid crowds, hugs, and close contact as much as possible.

¡En todo el país!??
Sumate a hacer historia, en las calles por nuestros derechos.
Pasá la voz. #AbortoLegal2020 pic.twitter.com/DC6RPxj6HF

— #AbortoLegal2020 ? (@CampAbortoLegal) December 9, 2020

In every country!??
Join us to make history, in the streets for our rights.
Spread the word. #AbortoLegal2020 pic.twitter.com/DC6RPxj6HF

— #AbortoLegal2020 ? (@CampAbortoLegal) December 9, 2020

Almost a year had gone without in-person contact, and many of us yearned to see one another without the means of a computer screen. We enlisted several friends from the group Traductoras e Intérpretes Feministas (Feminist Translators and Interpreters, or TEIFEM) to make our physical presence at these events visible. There are no words that could explain what this meant to us.

Vigil at the National Congress of Argentina, December 29, 2020. Photo by the author, used with permission.

In Buenos Aires, Argentina’s capital, mass demonstrations during the debates occupied the entire 400-meter (1,300-foot) length of the Congressional Plaza along both Rivadavia Avenue and Callao Avenue from the corner of the National Congress. On the opposite end of the square, separated by extensive security fencing, pro-life protesters gathered to express their opposition to the law.

Map of the National Congress surroundings where vigils took place, posted on Instagram by @CampAbortoLegal.

Organizing efforts were flawless, with extensive security operations, CEPA (the Evacuation and First Aid Corps) and Red Cross teams, and hydration stations assembled, along with attendants who offered free sanitizers and disinfectant to attendees. A center stage, speakers, and a large screen were positioned on every block to broadcast the debates live.

Crowds were unavoidable, but nearly all wore a mask, and every effort was made to follow sanitary measures.

CEPA volunteers talk with a girl at the vigil on December 29, 2020. Photo by the author, used with permission.

A festive and colorful atmosphere flourished on the “green side” of the fence, with a sea of hopeful ​​smiles buffered against the fear of history repeating itself like in 2018, when the Senate had rejected the bill by a difference of seven votes. Perhaps what attendees were celebrating was that, in spite of past failures, the first debate had firmly put the issue on the table, settled into society, and begun to stir up family conversations.

At that point, there was no turning back.

Around the National Congress, each “green” demonstration seemed more like a large fair, with green- and purple-bedecked bands, batucadas, techno music, banners and posters, accessories, T-shirts, glitter, make-up, sparklers, and dancing.

Vigil at the National Congress, December 29, 2020. Photo by the author, used with permission.

Organizations passed out information and sold stickers, postcards, and accessories in fundraising efforts. Numerous political groups, unions, NGOs, and social movements made their presence visible and promoted causes like the separation of Church and State, comprehensive sexual education, LGTBQ+ rights, abortion clinic lifeguards to ensure safe passageway for patients, and more.

Vigil at the National Congress, December 29, 2020. Photo by the author, used with permission.

Teenagers played soccer on makeshift fields erected by the Coordinadora de Fútbol Feminista (Feminist Soccer Coordinators). At the center stage, organizations took turns explaining basic tenets of the bill and their reasons for supporting it.

Vigil at the National Congress, December 29, 2020. Photo by the author, used with permission.

In other areas, families danced and took photos, people painted faces, and circles of batucadas sang feminist catchphrases.

Percussionists at the vigil on December 29, 2020. Photo by the author, used with permission.

Despite the wide range of personal, partisan, and political positions, there was a prevailing sense of unity, joy and companionship that remained steadfast in facing a common cause that affects all ages, race, political positions, and social classes.

Now is not the time for feminism to grow complacent. We will continue the fight to ensure compliance with the law and dismantle attempts to obstruct it. But for now, we’ve taken a few days to celebrate this historic achievement borne from a decades-long struggle.

Originally published on Global Voices

2020 Protest in Dignity Plaza (Santiago, Chile) by Paulo Slachevsky and used under a (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0) license.

In Latin America and the Caribbean, the year 2020 was marked by the role of feminist and social movements that helped bring about immense political change despite the presence of the COVID-19 pandemic which dominated the headlines and became a global concern.

In a year when the decriminalisation of marijuana and controversies over the raffle of the presidential plane were topics of conversation, feminism and the perceived “anti-feminism” of the Mexican government also warranted attention. In March, a protest took place against the daily average of 10.5 femicide cases in Mexico. Further demonstrations followed seeking justice for individual cases, including for Ingrid Escamilla, Fatima Aldrighett and Jessica González Villaseñor.

Despite political repression during protests in Cancun, the campaign bore fruit with the introduction of the Olympia Law that sanctions digital harassment against women, the Ingrid Law against the dissemination of images of crime victims, the public registry of sex offenders in the Mexican capital, and the Amnesty Law for abortion.

In Argentina, there was a significant increase in calls to address gender-based violence and grooming during quarantine.

The blueprint for a law that legalised abortion, promised by the government in March 2020, was put on hold.

Faced with the initial setback, social media groups played a key role in strengthening women's support networks throughout lockdown. Protests were organised against the alarming increase in femicides during the pandemic. Tweets from the grassroots organisation Ni Una Menos (Literally: “Not one [woman] less”) mobilized activists and thousands took part in a virtual handkerchief rally (waving of green scarves) to demand that the government of Argentina urgently address the voluntary abortion law.

The law, which would allow the voluntary interruption of pregnancy and access to post-abortion care, was sent to National Congress in November and officially passed in December.

In Venezuela, feminists used WhatsApp to continue to support women and provide virtual talks about feminism; and in Nicaragua, feminist groups denounced the neglect and lack of justice for the victims of gender-based violence and the victims’ families.

In January, before COVID-19 arrived in Trinidad and Tobago, a public ceremony was held to commemorate victims of femicide. Citizens demanded effective measures from the State to protect women and girls. In March, following another case of femicide, online users highlighted the link between gender-based violence and child abuse, particularly in instances when COVID-19 restrictions were accompanied by an increase in domestic violence.

In December, when news headlines reported on the femicides of a young mother and an adolescent, social media users expressed fatigue with the narrative that women “should take care of themselves”. Instead, users argued that the focus and responsibility should be removed from women and redirected towards the aggressor.

Montage of images of “Día Naranja” (Orange Day) in protest against violence against women in Puerto Príncipe, 25 January 2020. Photos taken by Womantra, used with permission.

Political movements in Uruguay, Bolivia, Peru, and Chile

The greatest change in Uruguay occurred in the political arena with the departure of the Broad Front (Left-wing political coalition) and the 2019 election of Luis Lacalle Pou who is from the National Party which returned to power after thirty years as head of the government's “multicolour coalition”.

The current opposition from the Broad Front, as well as other political groups, are critical of the government for the promulgation of the Law of Urgent Consideration (‘Ley de Urgente Consideración’), which they perceive to be a setback in freedom of expression. However, the Lacalle government's successful control of the first wave of COVID-19, resulting in only a few dozen fatalities, positioned the country as a leader in crisis response.

In Bolivia, in October, after a year of polarisation exacerbated by racism and attacks on journalists, citizens peacefully headed to the polls. 55% of voters elected Luis Arce and David Choquehuana from the Movement Towards Socialism (Movimiento al Socialismo). The election of Arce was celebrated in major cities around the world.

Polarisation may continue during the run-up to the sub-national elections for mayors and governors scheduled for March 7, 2021.

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Bicentennial generation chasing corruption.

International press understated the importance of the protests of the “bicentennial generation” in Peru primarily comprised of young people marking the 200th anniversary of Peru's independence. Demonstrations took place within the context of a country troubled by the Congressional removal of President Martín Vizcarra, the resignation of an illegitimate government of Manuel Merino and the appointment of Francisco Sagasti as interim president. Both Merino and Sagasti used excessive police force against young protestors resulting in at least two fatalities. The chaotic political context this year was compounded by the COVID-19 health crisis as well as the implementation of extractivist policies in favour of large companies in indigenous areas.

Meanwhile, the pandemic did not prevent Chile from holding a historic referendum on October 25 when an overwhelming majority approved the changing of the Constitution promulgated by former dictator Augusto Pinochet in 1980. For a large section of the population, the Constitution was considered as “the mother of Chile's inequalities”. The referendum was the primary demand that fueled the social uprising of October 2019, to which the government responded with repression, arrests, and numerous human rights violations.

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From North to South: Violence, authoritarianism, disinformation, and protests

In Colombia, in addition to the high death toll from COVID-19, citizens highlighted their dissatisfaction with the absence of effective solutions to combat high levels of violence across the country. According to the Institute for Studies of Development and Peace, ninety massacres took place in 2020. However, President Ivan Duque insists on denying the seriousness of the homicide rate in the country.

Particularly disturbing was the increase in murders of social leaders and human rights defenders. It was revealed that the police were involved in the murder of Attorney Javier Ordóñez. This finding led to protests followed by police repression and the resulting deaths and injuries of at least ten individuals.

Death threats, assassinations, harassment, abuse and censorship against journalists and activists were constant throughout 2020, yet within this context alternative forms of digital media also emerged that helped activists evade censorship.

In Venezuela, after a year of relative economic normalisation, despite hyperinflation and the amplification of the humanitarian crisis, the pandemic resulted in a resurgence of the government's authoritarian measures. Greater militarisation, control of state institutions and political persecution of journalists and humanitarian activists all characterised public policies. In addition, Nicolás Maduro's government displaced dissident political representation through a questionable parliamentary election.

The pandemic exacerbated Venezuela's migration crisis, already the most severe in the region with 5.4 million citizens already outside the country.  Reports have highlighted that many members of this community are unable to meet their basic needs in host countries, suffering from homelessness and food shortages.

In Jamaica, chaos and fear overwhelmed citizens. While the COVID-19 pandemic topped the list of concerns, an informal poll on Twitter revealed that it was closely followed by fears of a possible increase in crime, despite the fact that the Jamaica Police reported a slight decrease in reports of crime compared to the previous year.

Moreover, night curfews during the pandemic do not appear to have prevented hundreds of illegal parties and social activities from taking place, some of which (organised by people with criminal ties) resulted in acts of violence.

In Nicaragua, citizens have suffered a mixture of negative emotions caused by the public health crisis, concerns over the accuracy of data relating to COVID-19, the impact of the IOTA and ETA hurricanes, and the prospects for the 2021 elections in a country where police repression, the lack of freedom of the press and expression and violations of human rights persist on a daily basis.

Following the wave of protests in 2018, some 100,000 people fled the country, but many Nicaraguans in exile remain involved in political activism. Meanwhile, the government of Daniel Ortega is promoting a triad of laws to strengthen its apparatus of control over the population and prevent any attempt at grassroots opposition.

Further north in El Salvador, 2020 was a year rife with political conflict. President Nayib Bukele constantly confronts the other organs of the State: the Legislative Assembly and the Constitutional Chamber, and referred to the deputies and magistrates as “corrupt, criminals and thieves”. For many, his aggressive style reveals a political plan to control the country. Still, he maintains an approval rating of more than 75% despite accusations against him of corruption, negotiating with gangs and attacks on members of the press.

When Bukele wrote on Twitter about the impact of the pandemic in Ecuador, the Ecuadorian government denied it. Soon, the content circulating on social media made headlines around the world: bodies that no one collected, families searching for the body of a loved one, and alleged cremations of corpses in the streets.

The disinformation narrative was not enough for the government of Ecuador to explain what the city of Guayaquil experienced. Faced with an overwhelmed reality, a Joint Task Force was created to bury the corpses. The Guayaquil mayor's office had to deliver cardboard coffins to the families. Responding to the crisis, the Indigenous peoples of the region organised to protect themselves from the coronavirus.

In short, the pandemic caught a region off guard that was already facing numerous problems, and it also tested the resilience of social movements which vigorously campaigned for human rights.

Despite this, some good news on gender issues in the region were highlighted: Ecuador had its first trans march, the government of Argentina approved the trans-transvestite labour quota in the public sector, Bolivia as well as the state of Puebla, Mexico recognized the free union between people of the same sex.

The special edition of “Voces de Latinoamérica” (‘Voices from Latin America’) from the digital medium La Lupa, which features some of our authors from Bolivia, Uruguay and Mexico, analyses the key events in the region:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LXVo5qQtHWw&feature=youtu.be

Originally published on Global Voices

“Surviving an abortion is a class privilege.” Vigil in Buenos Aires during Congressional discussion on abortion in 2018. Image by Juan Diez at Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0).

In the early morning hours of December 30, after more than a 13-hour session, and after an intense month of contrary opinions, “dirty campaigns,” protests and vigils in the streets, the Argentine Senate made history when it passed the Voluntary Termination of Pregnancy Act. This Act legalizes the right to abortion, without restrictions or grounds, up to 14 weeks of gestation. It was passed with 38 votes in favor, 29 votes against, and one abstention.

With the passing of the bill, Argentina became the fifth country in Latin America to legalize abortion—after Cuba, Guyana, Puerto Rico, and Uruguay—and became the seventh on the entire American continent.

Since the beginning of his term that started in December 2019, President Alberto Fernández had promised to present the issue in the first days of March, but everything was suspended due to the emergency measures put in place to stop the spread of COVID-19. Following the pressure of feminist organizations from across the country, he finally sent the bill to Congress on November 16. The approval process was initiated on December 1 which culminated in the historic voting on December 30.

The first time they debated the proposed bill was in 2018. That time around, approval was obtained from the Chamber of Deputies but was later rejected by the Senate with a difference of seven votes. Despite the setback, the activism continued as the issue remained on the table and the campaign sought public approval for the bill; this served to strengthen the momentum of the “Green Tide” and support networks for those who needed access to safe abortion.

News reports about the passage of the Act are making headlines in national and international media. Jubilant celebrations filled the streets. On social media, there was also an abundance of expressions of joy. This was the message from Amnesty International Argentina:

Y de repente todo fue emoción.

Una victoria del movimiento de mujeres. #EsLey #AbortoLegal2020 pic.twitter.com/9p0OWyDvcG

— Amnistía Internacional Argentina (@amnistiaar) December 30, 2020

All of a sudden it was all emotion
A victory for the women's movement  #EsLey (It's Law) #AbortoLegal2020 (LegalAbortion2020)

These are some of the reactions from different corners of Argentina:

No hay palabras, solo sentires compartidos #EsLey ?

Vídeo de @vicki_freire pic.twitter.com/qKfCiKTwoX

— Editorial Chirimbote (@ChirimboteEd) December 30, 2020

There are now words, only shared feelings #EsLey (It's Law) ?

Acabo de llegar sin poder aún creerlo.
Me baño y se despierta Renata y lo primero que me dice es “es ley mamá?” “SI” le digo y nos fundimos en un abrazo que no olvidare en mi vida. Por Reni y por todas #EsLey ?

— Rosario (@RoGarriga) December 30, 2020

I just arrived, and still can’t believe it.
I took a shower and Renata woke up and the first thing she says to me “Is it law, Mom”. “YES” I tell her and we embrace in a hug that I will never forget in my life. For Reni and for all #EsLey (It's Law) ?

Hermosa mañana verdad? ? #ESLEY pic.twitter.com/J25poM7gS4

— Miaytsu (@Miggmicaela) December 30, 2020

Beautiful morning, right? ? #ESLEY (It's Law)

#EsLey?
El Aborto es Legal: Argentina da un paso histórico a favor de la vida y la salud de las niñas, mujeres y personas gestantes.
Así lo festeja #Cordoba #AbortoLegal2020 pic.twitter.com/Tulk4ZQ9ni

— Paula Hernández ? (@PaulidelSur) December 30, 2020

Legal Abortion: Argentina passes historic vote in support of life and the health of girls, women, and pregnant people.

This is how we celebrate #Cordoba #AbortoLegal2020 (Legal Abortion 2020)

Así se vivió en Mendoza#ESLEY #AbortoLegalYa #AbortoLegal2020 pic.twitter.com/qGwBD70UYe

— Cecilia Soria ? (@Ceci_Soria_) December 30, 2020

This is how (the city of) Mendoza celebrated #ESLEY #AbortoLegalYa (Legal Abortion Now)

Greetings from outside Argentina

There were also celebrations and congratulations on Twitter from abroad. These are some of the messages from Spain:

Me he despertado para ver que Argentina es más libre y feminista.

Ya nunca más nadie se verá obligada a parir. Argentina es más seguro para todas las mujeres?#ESLEY pic.twitter.com/rxzO5ll8LW

— Madame Artichaut ?? (@alcachofit4) December 30, 2020

I’ve woken up to see Argentina more free and feminist. No one will ever be forced to give birth again. Argentina is safer for all women ?#ESLEY

Al fin vuestra larga lucha tuvo recompensa.
Enhorabuena, Argentina, el aborto ya #esLey
Ilustración creada para @LaUltima_Hora pic.twitter.com/5ouobJ0fbe

— Luiso García (@luixo80) December 30, 2020

At last, their long struggle was rewarded.
Congratulations, Argentina. Abortion now!  #esLey

Felicidades, compañeras argentinas! Lo que habéis conseguido con vuestra lucha, significa derechos, significa dignidad, significa vida! ?#ESLEY pic.twitter.com/mhusNM8p4N

— Chica Torpedo? ??? (@lachicatorpedo) December 30, 2020

Congratulations Argentine Friends! What you have achieved with your struggle means rights, it means dignity, it means life! ?#ESLEY

Enhorabuena, Argentina! #EsLey #AbortoLegal2020

Foto: @/mayragiselle.r en Instagram pic.twitter.com/08zKQdGEdD

— Troyiqueer Ana???? (@analadetuiter) December 30, 2020

Congratulations, Argentina! #EsLey #AbortoLegal2020

Photo: @/mayragiselle.r en Instagram

On behalf of the Chilean Feminist group HARTAS, they greeted Argentines with:

Así avanza la #MareaVerde
Un abrazo a todas las compañeras argentinas #AbortoLegal2020 #EsLey ? pic.twitter.com/bFef6cRRKd

— #HartasMujeres (@HARTASMujeres) December 30, 2020

This is how we move forward #MareaVerde (Green Wave)
A hug to our Argentine friends #AbortoLegal2020 #EsLey ?

The collective “No Te Calles” sent its congratulations from Mexico:

¡Sí se pudo Argentina!???
Desde México las felicitamos y abrazamos por su lucha incansable, ¡América Latina será toda feminista! #EsLey pic.twitter.com/cxoHUKQEJc

— ColectivaNoTeCalles (@NoTeCallesMor) December 30, 2020

Yes, Argentina achieved it! ???
From Mexico, we congratulate and embrace them for their tireless struggle, Latin America will be all feminist! #EsLey

From Bolivia, Artemisa says:

Ella me abrazaba mientras yo lloraba al enterarme la notica. Que buena forma de terminar este 2020. ?#EsLey pic.twitter.com/82OUFOInyO

— Artemisa (@TuAquelarre) December 30, 2020

She hugged me while I cried when I heard the news. What a good way to end this 2020. ?#EsLey

The news was also celebrated in Venezuela, and this is how one person responded:

Me despierto para enterarme que se hizo ley ? Años de lucha rindieron frutos. #EsLey

???? La ola verde ????

Tengo esperanza que en #Venezuela logremos está hazaña. pic.twitter.com/wS8PBx4HGS

— Mariana ?? (@Marifergui) December 30, 2020

I woke up to find out that the law was made ? Years of struggle paid off. #IsLaw
???? The green wave ????
I hope that in #Venezuela we will achieve this feat

Originally published on Global Voices

The facade of the Royal Spanish Academy, Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0)

The Royal Spanish Academy (RAE), a cultural institution dedicated to the linguistic regulation of the Spanish-speaking world, inaugurated the “Observatory of Words” portal on October 27. The portal is a provisional collection of terms and expressions that do not appear in the Spanish Language Dictionary (DLE) but have generated public debate or confusion.

Media outlets began writing about the inclusion of gender-neutral pronoun elle in the Observatory collection almost immediately, prompting the RAE to reiterate that it did not officially approve the pronoun's use nor include it in the dictionary.

The pronoun elle can be used as an alternative to el/ella (he/she). The Observatory of Words defined the pronoun elle as follows:

El pronombre elle es un recurso creado y promovido en determinados ámbitos para aludir a quienes puedan no sentirse identificados con ninguno de los dos géneros tradicionalmente existentes. Su uso no está generalizado ni asentado.

The pronoun elle is a solution created and promoted in certain sectors to refer to those who may not feel identified with either of the two traditionally existing genders. Its use is not widespread or well-established.

After the Observatory's launch, academics, journalists, and the public weighed in on the pronoun's inclusion in the RAE's latest initiative.

Many people understood the move as a sign that the RAE was beginning to accept the new third-person pronoun and could potentially warm to other linguistic proposals that seek to neutralize sexism embedded in the language.

Hola, la RAE incorporó el pronombre ELLE. Este es un reconocimiento muy fuerte, dadas sus resistencias. La RAE es un poco como el Papa: no nos importa lo que digan, pero que lo digan es una batalla ganada.

— Ana Fornaro (@anafornaro) October 27, 2020

Hello, the RAE incorporated the pronoun ELLE. This is a very strong acknowledgement, given their resistance. The RAE is a bit like the Pope: we don't care what they say, but that they say it is half the battle.

You might like: Are Romance languages becoming more gender-neutral?

However, the RAE was quick to refute this suggestion by reiterating that the institution's position on the use of elle had not changed and it was still not being considered for incorporation into the dictionary.

The RAE went one step further and removed the portal entry “to avoid confusion” on October 31.

Gracias por su interés. Debido a la confusión que ha generado la presencia de «elle» en el «Observatorio de palabras», se ha considerado preferible sacar esta entrada. Cuando se difunda ampliamente el funcionamiento y cometido de esta sección, se volverá a valorar.

— RAE (@RAEinforma) November 1, 2020

Thank you for your interest. Due to the confusion generated by the presence of “elle” in the “Observatory of Words,” it has been considered preferable to remove this entry. When the role and functioning of this section is more comprehensive, it will be reassessed.

Reactions to this abrupt shift were swift:

¿Qué creeeen? Que la @RAEinforma borró «elle» de su Observatorio de Palabras. ¿Será que están corrigiendo? ¿Será que a Pérez Reverte, Vargas Llosa y compañía les dio el tramafat? ¿Ustedes qué creen? https://t.co/qXDfNChXfF pic.twitter.com/mjxttLbzKy

— Paulina Chavira (@apchavira) October 30, 2020

What do you thiiiiink? That @RAEinforma deleted “elle” from its Observatory of Words. Could it be that they are being corrected? Could it be that Pérez Reverte, Vargas Llosa and company had a heart attack?
What do you all think?

[Note: Arturo Pérez-Reverte is a prominent Spanish writer, journalist, and academic at the RAE since 2003, and Mario Vargas Llosa is a Peruvian writer and politician, also with Spanish citizenship, winner of the 2010 Nobel Prize in Literature, among other awards, and academic at the RAE since 1996.]

Debido a que había gente que no tenía clara una idea, ¿lo mejor era dejar de explicarla? No tiene mucho sentido… En todo caso, debido a que hay gente a la que le molesta que el lenguaje evolucione, la RAE renuncia a hacer su trabajo, que es reflejar esa evolución. — ? Andrés Jurado (@TresPuntos_es) October 31, 2020

Since there were people who did not have a clear idea, it was best to stop explaining it? That doesn't make much sense… In any case, since some people are bothered by language evolving, the RAE gives up doing its job, which is to communicate that evolution.

He hecho una cosa, aunque llego un poco tarde a Halloween  pic.twitter.com/Sf9oa9CQUF

— Luna Pérez (@LunaPerezAbela) November 2, 2020

I did a thing, even though I'm a little late for Halloween

Gracias RAE por cuidar nuestra lengua y no dejar que la atrofien con este invento ridículo.

— SOFI ? (@GirasolSofi) October 30, 2020

Thank you, RAE, for taking care of our language and not letting it deteriorate with this ridiculous invention.

Institutional acceptance of gender-neutral pronouns

In English, the pronoun “they”, which is commonly used to refer to the third person plural, began to be used frequently to refer to a third person singular. Its use became increasingly common on social networks and in the media, and a large number of entertainment figures asked to be referred to with the singular personal pronoun “they/them”. This new usage prompted many studies and inquiries until Merriam-Webster Dictionary included the new meaning in the entry for “they” and named it the Word of the Year in 2019.

In Swedish, the neutral pronoun hen is used as an alternative to han  (he) and hon (she). It was first proposed by feminists during the 1960s and was later incorporated into trans activism circles. Since the language has no gendered endings in other parts of speech, it became easier to incorporate the new pronoun into everyday speech, especially among young people. In late 2015, the Swedish Academy added it to the dictionary.

One of the oldest neutral personal pronouns, the Finnish hän, which can be equivalent to “he” or “she” interchangeably, was the inspiration for Swedish feminists to come up with a neutral pronoun in their own language. This pronoun has been registered in Finnish since 1543.

It should be noted that including a neutral personal pronoun in a Romance language such as Spanish is much more cumbersome than in the cases mentioned above, as the grammatical gender marker is not limited to third-person pronouns, but also manifests itself in nouns, adjectives and determiners, and that makes it very difficult to avoid gender in fluent speech. Consequently, using elle correctly would imply a very profound structural change in the grammar we know — this change has already been proposed.

Every living language undergoes constant and imperceptible evolution, but morphological changes, in particular, take centuries to settle into natural speech, and frequency of use is a key factor in normalizing new forms. This is why feminist and LGTBQ+ groups have sought to promote forms of communication that would break with sexism, traditional binary systems and, especially, the predominance of masculine forms.

For now, the RAE has suspended the assessment of elle in its Observatory of Words, but in light of the recent abrupt changes, it's possible to think that it could be reinstated at a later time.