Originally published on Global Voices

Bangladesh flag and parliament building, Dhaka, Bangladesh. Image from Flickr by Gary Todd. Public Domain.

This article by Samaya Anjum and Andras Csontos originally appeared on nonprofit media Tech Policy Press. An edited version is published below with permission.

On December 24, 2025, the Council of Advisors of Bangladesh’s Interim Government approved the draft Cyber Security Ordinance 2024, bringing an anticlimactic end to a highly anticipated reform. The draft ordinance will replace the authoritarian Cyber Security Act 2023 and is currently in the final stages before its promulgation as law by the president. While the final version of the ordinance is as yet unpublished, copies of it have been circulated internally among selective stakeholder groups, and a general sense of discontent is already on the rise.

The proposed ordinance has been criticized for largely mimicking the broad scope and criminal liability regime of its predecessors, the Cyber Security Act (CSA) 2023 and the Digital Security Act (DSA) 2018. Both laws were passed under the recently ousted Awami League (AL) regime and had become central tools for state repression and surveillance for nearly five years. The draft has also come under fire due to the definitional ambiguity surrounding categories of restricted speech, broad police investigatory powers, as well as the authorization of a new government agency (the National Cyber Security Agency) to moderate content under provisions similar to those which enabled the Bangladesh Telecommunications Regulatory Commission (BTRC) to arbitrarily order content restriction and removal in the past.

Nevertheless, members of the interim government claim to have achieved major successes with the Cyber Security Ordinance, one of which is the introduction of a new “right” to uninterrupted internet access as part of the definition of “cyber security.” The “right” was instituted in response to popular demand in the aftermath of the Monsoon Revolution in Bangladesh.

Between July and August of last year, the AL-led government weaponized a series of internet shutdowns to carry out large-scale killings and human rights violations, revealing to the public the significance of internet shutdowns as a threat to a free society. It also exposed how the former regime had systematically centralized control over national digital infrastructure over the last decade to exercise absolute unaccountable power, which enabled it to arbitrarily and extralegally order network shutdowns. Over 34 shutdowns have been documented since 2012, and we are aware of evidence that suggests they were disproportionately ordered by the authorities through phone calls and WhatsApp messages, including in July and August last year, which may have helped conceal responsibility for such orders.

Once promulgated, the new ordinance will confirm whether the interim government is genuinely committed to protecting the people of Bangladesh against future abuses of internet shutdowns. At this stage, however, the “right” to uninterrupted internet access in the draft ordinance appears to have little legal force, nor is it accompanied by an institutional framework that can oversee and ensure respect for democratic accountability in the context of Bangladesh.

What is the proposed ‘right’ and what legal impact could it have?

The new “right” appears only once in the draft ordinance. This is in the definitions section (s. 2), specifically under the definition of the phrase “cyber security,” which stipulates, in part, that for the purposes of the ordinance, cybersecurity “shall … include the right of citizens to access the internet at all times.” However, the definitions section of a law has no independent legal effect. A definition gains legal force only when the term defined is used in a provision that creates a binding legal rule. Importantly, it is the definition as a whole that becomes effective in this way. In the present case, the “right” is combined with all the other (technical) elements listed in the definition to establish the legal meaning of “cyber security.” That meaning is what is then applied in whatever way the use of the term determines.

This conditional legal effect is far too weak to create a proper right in law, which is why definitions sections are almost never used in cases like this. Usually, a substantive provision of a law establishes a right and defines its content and holder, if the idea is to achieve the goal by establishing a duty for the state. The draft ordinance’s definition is, put bluntly, not a real legal right in any meaningful sense of the word.

What is its actual legal impact, then? This hinges entirely on the use of the term “cyber security” elsewhere in the ordinance, and the picture that emerges from those provisions is one of the minor improvements at best, which are far from certain to come about.

The area in which the “right” might make the greatest difference concerns the National Cyber Security Council, a body of ministers, senior civil servants and intelligence officials that the draft ordinance establishes and vests with a broad policy-making role.

Some of the powers of the council include the authority to “determin[e] inter-institutional policies for ensuring cyber security” (s. 13(2)(গ)) and “provid[e] necessary directions for redressing cyber security threats” (s. 13(2)(ক)). Any policy or direction under these sections in which the council attempts to obstruct the public’s internet access is thereby unlawful, as is any action taken to carry it out, because such an act cannot possibly “redress threats against” or “ensure” cybersecurity given the fact that the latter “include[s] … the right of citizens to access the internet at all times.” This creates an unambiguous prohibition on internet shutdowns, so theoretically the council should never attempt to breach it. Still, the recent history of Bangladesh shows clear evidence of executive overreach of digital communications.

Over the course of its 16-year tenure, the AL government strategically consolidated control over private and multinational providers of internet and telecommunications services and curtailed the independence of the national telecom regulator as a statutory body. This enabled politicians and security officials to directly and arbitrarily order network shutdowns, as was the case in July 2024. A lack of due process or oversight previously obstructed legal accountability, and this is unlikely to change with the draft ordinance, which reinforces — and institutionalizes — the very structures that enabled the abuse of power, this time with the council as its centerpiece.

Nevertheless, if the council does abuse its powers to obstruct internet access, its action could potentially be challenged in the courts. This is by no means an easy course, but it is a feasible one. Cases could be brought by virtually anyone as a public-interest litigant. As outlined above, the language of the ordinance is very clear: these powers cannot be used to deny internet access, and no good-faith judge could interpret them otherwise.

These sections are, however, only one source of government power, and beyond them, the influence of the “right” becomes much weaker and entirely dependent on judicial interpretation. It has the greatest chance of becoming relevant if a government attempts to use its power to make regulations to obstruct internet access. There is no state power to shut down or slow down the internet under Bangladeshi law (the AL did not bother with formal legality), but a government hostile to digital rights might want to create one in the future. It could look to do so through s. 49 of the Cyber Security Ordinance, since this law will regulate the field as a whole. The “right” to internet access could, then, be invoked to challenge any resulting regulation as violating the ordinance on which it is based. This is because s. 49 stipulates that the power to make regulations is granted “[f]or achieving the objectives of this Ordinance.” The preamble lists “ensuring cyber security” as one of the ordinance’s main objectives, and “cyber security” has to be read as including the “right.” A strong argument can be made that a regulation that obstructs internet access would not be “made for achieving the objectives of [the] Ordinance” and, therefore, could not be made using the s. 49 power. However, whether such an argument succeeds depends on the assessment of the judge(s) before whom any such case comes.

Outside the confines of the ordinance itself, the “right” essentially vanishes. A government could sidestep s. 49 and use a power to make regulations under another law to give itself shutdown powers. The regulations would only have to comply with the law under which they are made and with the constitution. The “right” in the ordinance would be all but irrelevant; at best, it could play a minor persuasive role in court arguments about the general trend of Bangladeshi law. Finally, the “right” would be completely irrelevant if any new ordinance of the president or act of parliament departs from it and restricts internet access.

The continued necessity of reform

The interim government’s proposed “right,” then, is not a significant positive achievement within an otherwise faulty reform. In the ways explained above, s. 2(1)(ভ) does or could bring some minor positive changes. But it is not a real right and not a serious attempt to prevent internet shutdowns from ever recurring. This aspect of the draft 0rdinance is exactly the same as its overall pattern — an unaccountable security state is allowed to remain in place and to hold vast powers over citizens, while minor changes obscure this essential fact. The people of Bangladesh will not have a real, practically effective right to access the internet at all times, until and unless genuine reform takes place. Such a reform will need to address the core of the problem — the power of the state in the digital sphere must decrease enormously, and its approach to digital issues must be fundamentally transformed from draconian obsession with control to reasonable regulation of the public sphere of a free society.

Originally published on Global Voices

Screenshot from an YouTube Video by Technical Cox explaining how to retrieve a Facebook account mistakenly marked as “memorialized”. Fair use.

In a recent collaborative attack by unknown perpetrators, the Facebook profiles of several celebrities, journalists, media personalities and activists from Bangladesh were mysteriously turned into tribute profiles, disabling their access, with the word “Remembering” next to the victim's profile name. The perpetrators may have abused the memorializing feature of Facebook to activate this.

The news came to light after the Facebook account of Bangladeshi–Swedish writer, feminist, secular humanist, and activist Taslima Nasrin found she had been unexpectedly memorialized on January 18, 2022. Her protest on Twitter requesting Facebook authorities to give her account back confirmed that she was not dead as some of her fans believed.

@Meta @fbsecurity @facebookapp @MetaNewsroom @Facebook I am very much alive. But you memorialized my facebook account. What a sad news! How could you do that? Please give me back my account. pic.twitter.com/mwZNbcOopy

— taslima nasreen (@taslimanasreen) January 18, 2022

Nasrin, a highly controversial figure in Bangladesh since the early 1990s as a result of her public stance on religion, lost access to her account less than 24 hours after regaining it when she remarked that the memorialization had been triggered by the “provocations [of] Jihadi elements.”

People visiting her account saw the following message: “We hope people who love Taslima will find comfort in visiting her profile to remember and celebrate her life.”

Nasrin currently lives in New Delhi after being forced to leave Bangladesh in 1995, and later West Bengal in 2007, as a result of violent threats from Islamic fundamentalists. Many demanded a death sentence, including a Council of Islamic Soldiers that declared a bounty in return for her head.

But this was not the final ordeal. Her account was memorialized three times:

!! @Meta @Facebook @facebookapp You again killed me and memorialized my facebook account!! Jihadis want to see me dead. So because of their report, you buried me alive. Not once, three times!!

— taslima nasreen (@taslimanasreen) January 25, 2022

In her latest interview with news magazine Outlook India, Nasrin pointed fingers towards Facebook after she was attacked the second time in two days:

Facebook authorities need to make proper enquiries and see if they’re being led by Islamic terror groups into taking these actions. They need to improve their system. How could Facebook repeat the mistake in a matter of two days even after the first incident was widely reported in the Bengali and English language media?

Nasrin added:

I have suffered repeated censorship, my books keep getting banned, my very existence comes under banning. Social media is my only way to express my opinion freely. Facebook needs to decide whether they want to be driven purely by numbers or have some ethics as well.

What happens when an account is memorialized on Facebook?

Facebook introduced this feature in February 2015, which turns the accounts of a deceased a place “for friends and family to gather and share memories.” The contents of the profile marked “Remembering” (eg. statuses, photos, videos) remain on Facebook and are visible to the audience according to the share settings (selected friends or public).

The contents of the memorialized accounts cannot be changed as no one can log in to those accounts. If an account had assigned a legacy contact before, only that contact can manage the memorialized profile.

In November 2016, Facebook allegedly briefly declared every user dead, including the company's CEO Mark Zuckerberg, in a memorializing profile feature glitch.

It is not easy for a novice Facebook user to get the account back easily, but there is a way to contact Facebook to report that the account was mistakenly memorialized. The account holder needs to submit a photo ID to prove that he or she is the rightful owner of the account, which may be an issue for activists who use the account anonymously.

This YouTube video by Technical Cox’s explains how to retrieve an account that was mistakenly memorialized:

More victims of this systematic trolling

The attack — which appears to have been planned from within the country — happens to be more widespread. Asaduzzaman Noor, a Bangladeshi blogger known for his critical videos of revered Islamic preachers, such as Mizanur Rahman Azhari, has been in hiding in India since 2019. Having lost access to his public page since its memorialization on January 19, Noor alleged that the cyber-attack is the work of a group of hackers collectively known as the Bangladesh Civilian Force. He told the media about receiving an email from an address entitled “Team Khan” notifying the user that his account had been reported as a result of his expression of concern for Nasrin. “They also sent me proof showing it was them who reported my Twitter handle. They asked me to refrain from making comments against Islam,” he said.

Asad Noor shared in a Facebook post:

On January 28, in a live video, I debunked Bangladeshi controversial Islamist preacher Mizanur Rahman Azhari's falsehood and misleading information with evidence through this page. In response, Azhari's followers and Islamist spammers submitted fake reports against my page. Unfortunately, Facebook authority, without fact-checking, declared me ‘Dead’ and memorized my page. But I am alive.

This can be confirmed from the official Facebook page of the Bangladesh Civilian Force (BCF) which has taken responsibility for launching a concerted attack against activists and public figures who critique religion or religious figures.

Meanwhile, in January 2022, the accounts of Sweden-based journalist Tasneem Khalil, Dhaka-based actor Mehran Sanjana, London-based activist Lopa Rahman and activist Kaniz Fatema, the spouse of exiled religious critic Asif Mohiuddin, have faced the same fate as Nasrin. Sanjana and Noor are closely associated with the Bengali rationalist websites Muktomona and shongshoy.com, respectively. The selected group of people have been labeled as “haters of religion” by BCF.

This post on the Facebook page of the Bangladesh Civilian Force (BCF) on January 18, 2022 shows the memorialized profiles of Taslima Nasreen, Mehran Sanjana and Kaniz Fatema with only the number “1+1+1=3″.

On the same day, another post on the same page claimed:

ধ'র্ম বি'দ্বেষী লো'পা রহমান এর অফিসিয়াল ফে'ইসবুক একাউন্ট ও মৃত ঘোষণা করছে ফে'ইসবুক কমিউনিটি!

The hater of religion [ed: Islam] Lopa Rahman's official Facebook account has been declared dead by the Facebook community!

There has been no formal acknowledgement of the matter or steps taken by Facebook.

Secular activist Arifur Rahman Tweeted:

It's been almost a week now since my death. Facebook killed me prior to my physical death. They say @Meta Universe is ‘the’ future, it seems they'll be able to kill you too in their metaverse. @AtheistRepublic @TheCEMB @AmericanAtheist @Humanists_UK @HumanistsInt @taslimanasreen pic.twitter.com/ccNqOkdD0E

— Arif Rahman (@ARIFArifuk) January 24, 2022

The Facebook accounts of Bangladeshi bloggers, activists and journalists have been targeted before in a bid to silence them. As of February 2022, Facebook has a market share of over 93 percent among all the social media platforms in Bangladesh and is used by activists widely. Under a GNI-Internews fellowship, journalist Miraj Ahmed Chowdhury conducted research in December 2020 on 40 Bangladeshi journalists, bloggers, and activists who had their Facebook accounts disabled in the past few years. In most of the cases, trolls reported the profiles as fake which resulted in the suspension of the accounts. Some users were reported dead and the accounts were memorialized. Chowdhury interviewed 17 of them for a survey, and 56 percent said the attacks happened more than once, and, for some, their accounts were suspended even five or six times. These interviewees found fault in Facebook as they alleged that the social media giant did not do enough to “protect the sensitive speech on their platform.”

Originally published on Global Voices

A Rajshahi University student signs a pledge prevent violence against women in Dhaka, Bangladesh. Image by UN Women via Flickr. 2018. CC BY-NC-ND

Media trials and unethical reporting are common in a number of South Asian countries. In recent months, after the arrest of a few high profile actresses and celebrities, various Bangladeshi media resorted to discussing their social lives in an ugly media trial. Television, print and social media competed with each other to feed the patriarchal societies of Bangladesh with the insinuating prefix “raater rani” (prostitute) when talking about these women as if they are “nosto” (sullied) and their main job was to act as a pleasure object for men. Meye Network, a social media–based feminist grassroots network in Bangladesh has started an innovative campaign on Facebook to protest against media trials and moral policing, and the use of sexist language by the media and society.

Meye Network wants to draw attention to the fact that, when a woman is accused of something, the language that emerges to talk about her is a manifestation of the misogyny inherent in patriarchal society. The media labels them “whores,” “sluts,” “queens of the night,” to imply that her character is bad because she doesn't conform to patriarchal expectations of behaviour, which must make her guilty. This serves to keep women who do not commit these “sins” in line because she doesn't want those insults attached to herself, and thus she remains within the limitations that patriarchal society places on her. A man, however, is never subjected to such slurs when he is suspected of something.

Women and girls in Bangladesh are subject to increasing domestic violence and delayed justice and the country's culture of misogyny and toxic masculinity makes the lives of career women and aspiring women workforce even harder.

The ‘raater rani’ campaign

Flower of epiphyllum oxypetalum (queen of the night). Image via Flickr by MAK, Wing Kuen. CC BY-SA 3.0.

‘Raater rani’ (রাতের রানী in Bengali)  refers to the flower of a species of the cactus “queen of the night” (epiphyllum oxypetalum) which usually blooms once in a year during the night and wilts at dawn. However, due to the rampant violation of media ethics in Bangladesh while reporting about female celebrities, the word has become synonymous with prostitute.

On August 13, 2021, Bangladeshi grassroots feminist organization Meye Network hosted a virtual meeting as a platform to share hidden grievances that women hold within themselves, as well as discuss the ongoing situation about the arbitrary arrest of Bangladeshi actresses and models and the attendant media trial.

One of the most sensational cases among these was that of actress Pori Moni, who had been arrested from her Banani residence on August 4, 2021, for the alleged unlicensed possession of liquor bottles, Yaba (a type of methamphetamine) pills and LSD blots. The story made it to the front pages of national dailies during that week in problematic language, inciting debates on social media platforms about moral policing and the misogynistic treatment of women.

Trishia Nashtaran, the founder and organizer of Meye Network, created a Facebook profile frame to bring attention to the stories of women, shared by women, by means of digital campaigning. On August 14, a frame for Facebook profile pictures with the label “Raater Rani” was unveiled on their Facebook page. It accompanied the two hashtags #raater_rani and #রাতেররানী, which would allow the movement to be highlighted and shared widely.

As happened with the #MeToo movement that was initiated by American activist Tarana Burke, Bangladeshi women of all ages have since then come forward with their stories of growing up surrounded by the ceilings and fences of being a woman in a conservative society. It was not rare to find posts that described their encounters with sexual harassment in its many forms.

Nashtaran also shared her feelings in a post. Describing an incident from her university days, she explains to her readers how policing and prejudices against women are present in nearly all aspects of their lives.

Here is an excerpt from the story:

আমি চাই এই পৃথিবী নারীকে দোষেগুণে মানুষ হিসেবে গ্রহণ করুক, তার প্রতি সংবেদনশীল হোক। আমি চাই নারীরা নির্ভয়ে বাইরে যাক, দিনেরাতে যখন খুশি যেখানে খুশি যেতে পারুক, ভুল করতে পারুক, নিজের শর্তে বাঁচতে পারুক। তার জন্য যদি নারীকে ‘রাতের রানী’ বলে অপমান করা হয়, তাহলে আমিও রাতের রানী।

I want the world to accept women as human beings, to be sensitive to them. I want women to go out without fear, to go wherever they want during the day and night, to make mistakes, to live on their own terms. If a woman is insulted with the term “raater rani” (queen of the night), then I am also “raater rani.”

Shila Rafia, a member of the Network, commented on Nashtaran's post:

আমাদের দেশের (মেয়েদের) রাতের লাইফ মানে মানুষ শুধু অনৈতিক কাজই বোঝে৷ এইটা একদম অস্থি মজ্জায় ঢুকে গিয়েছে সবার।

In our country, women going out at night is synonymous with engaging in immoral acts. This notion has invaded everyone to the bone!

In the first week of the campaign, more than 1100 people were recorded using the “Raater Rani” picture frame.

Feminist educator Nafisa Tanzim Nipun wrote:

An excerpt:

আমাদের “ভালো মেয়ে” হয়ে থাকার দিন শেষ। আমরা সবাই রাতের রানী হবো। ঘর থেকে বের হবো। পাবলিক স্পেস আমরা ক্লেইম করবো। তবে পাবলিক স্পেস ক্লেইম করার দায়ভার শুধু আমাদের মেয়েদের একার না। পরিবার, মিডিয়া, ধর্ম, সরকার, রাষ্ট্রযন্ত্রকে এগিয়ে আসতে হবে। কলুষিত সিস্টেমগুলোকে ভেঙে নতুন করে ঢেলে সাজাতে হবে। #raater_rani #রাতেররানী

The days of us being “good girls” are over. We will all be “queens of the night.” I will get out of the house (fearlessly). We will claim public spaces. However, the women and the girls are not the only ones responsible for claiming public spaces. Our families, media, religious institutions, government, all the state apparatus must come forward. The corrupted systems need to be dismantled and rebuilt.#raater_rani #raaterrani

The repeated use of sexist language and the media trial

In two separate but similar cases, models Faria Mahabub Priasha and Mou Akter were arrested under narcotics charges filed at Gulshan and Mohammadpur police stations. The police commissioner in charge of the arrests informed the media that the models had been found with alcohol, drugs and shisha and that they were found to have taken “objectionable” photos of themselves with guests, which they used for blackmailing.

A leaked personal video of Pori Moni and a police detective also went viral and the officer was reprimanded after facing media trial.

Renowned Bangladeshi anthropologist, writer and activist Rahnuma Ahmed notes the sexist, derogatory language directed at models Priyasha and Mou that a senior police officer had markedly used when talking about their arrest.

Senior police officer uses sexist language “raater rani” (ladies of the night) while framing allegations against 2 models accused of enticing & blackmailing rich kids. #Bangladesh #crime pic.twitter.com/stHJrw2zCZ

— rahnuma ahmed (@AhmedRahnuma) August 2, 2021

Many activists and members of civil society protested her arrest and deplored the negative portrayal in the media and society. Student leader Lucky Akter tweeted:

This is absolutely the violation of human rights! We want justice for Porimoni. We want immidiate bail for Porimoni!
?Zahidul Islam/Protest from Shahbag pic.twitter.com/9iZkiWAE0B

— Lucky Akter (@Lucky_akter) August 22, 2021

In an interview with Voice of America, Nashtaran mentioned that, in the conservative societies of Bangladesh, the easiest way to humiliate a woman is to attack her personal character and sex life. Such moral policing not only violates the rights and dignity of women as human beings, but also makes their lives full of struggles and impediments.

Originally published on Global Voices

People protesting the death of Mushtaq Ahmed in Judicial Custody. Screenshot from YouTube video by Nagorik News.

The death of Bangladeshi writer Mushtaq Ahmed in prison on February 25 has prompted fresh protests against the Digital Security Act (DSA), the draconian law criminalizing online speech which he was accused of violating.

Ahmed, who was 53, was arrested in May last year after he criticized the government's pandemic response on social media. He was charged with “tarnishing the image of the nation” and “creating hostility, hatred, and adversity” — all offenses under the DSA.

The writer had been in pretrial detention for the past nine months and was denied bail six times. Last month, he became ill and was transferred to a hospital, and shortly after he was pronounced dead. Authorities said he died of natural causes.

Ahmed was known for keeping a crocodile farm and for his book “Diary of a Crocodile Farmer,” and was an outspoken critic of the government on social media.

Organizations such as Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) and Human Rights Watch (HRW) have demanded the investigation into the causes surrounding his death.

Passed shortly before the 2018 general elections, the DSA imposes heavy fines and prison terms for offenses such as “hurting religious values of sentiments,” and others. The law also empowers the police to arrest without a warrant, including citizens whom authorities suspect might commit a crime in the future using digital media.

In the first five months of 2020, 403 cases were filed and 353 arrests made for offenses outlined in the Act, according to police data.

Mushtaq had been arrested along with 10 other people, including cartoonist Ahmed Kabir Kishore and activist Didarul Islam Bhuiyan, who were also charged under the DSA.

Kishore was recently granted bail on health grounds and said in an interview with The Daily Star that he had been tortured while in custody.

Another Bangladeshi personality who was arrested under the DSA was photojournalist Shafiqul Islam Kajol, who had been in jail since May 2020 and was granted bail in December 2020.

Nine international organizations including the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development, the Asian Human Rights Commission, and the International Federation for Human Rights released a joint statement requesting the government to repeal the DSA.

Another written statement by seven citizens who had been previously targeted by the DSA demanded its rescission. Others have spoken out against it online.

Expat Bangladeshi writer Leesa Gazi tweeted:

DSA must be abolished. Mushtaq Ahmed's imprisonment and death must be investigated and responsible authorities must be held accountable. https://t.co/mki3Sh5roi

— Leesa Gazi লীসা গাজী (@LeesaGazi) February 28, 2021

Storyteller Sajib Tanvir tweeted:

Mushtaq dies in the jail. He was sent to jail under Digital Security Act 2018 (DSA). His ‘crime’ was nothing but ‘writing’.

Who is responsible for this death? Those who enacted DSA that compels a writer living in the prison for 9 months and dying at the end.#AbolishDSA pic.twitter.com/ZwcYQUiuIH

— Sajib Tanvir (@ovesajib) February 25, 2021

A digital human chain initiated by Architect Sofia Karim, founder of TurbineBagh Art, asked people to post pictures of themselves with a sign reading “justice for Mushtaq, Freedom for Kishore.”

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by TurbineBagh (@turbinebagh_art)

Speaking with Global Voices via email, Karim said:

What they did to Mushtaq and Kishore may not have troubled the government of Bangladesh, but it troubled onlookers from many places. The digital human chain was to register our protest and call for Kishore's release.

Artists confronted the horror with artworks. When artists honour Mushtaq and Kishore, they honour us all. And when a government dishonours its writers and artists, it dishonours us all.

In response to the criticism, on March 2 authorities said that the government will work to amend the to ensure arrests are made only with a warrant.

Since 2018, there has been an ongoing online discussion in Bangladesh on the impacts of the DSA on speech and press freedom, such as on the Facebook groups ডিজিটাল নিরাপত্তা আইন সেকাল-একাল (Digital Security Act Then-Now) and ডিজিটাল নিরাপত্তা আইন মানি না (We Do Not Accept the Digital Security Act).

Meanwhile, protesters around the country are using art to express their discontent about the situation.

Originally published on Global Voices

Indian farmers’ protest in December 2020. Image via Wikimedia Commons by Randeep Maddoke. CC0 Public Domain.

On February 1, Twitter temporarily blocked people in India from viewing more than 250 accounts that appeared to express support to the farmers’ protests that have rocked the country for the past four months. The accounts were restored around six hours later.

Twitter then told news agency ANI that it withheld the accounts in response to a request from India's Ministry of Electronics and IT to block accounts that had tweeted the hashtag #ModiPlanningFarmerGenocide for making “fake, provocative, and intimidatory tweets.”

The US-based platform explained its decision by pointing to its policy of withholding content in certain countries, which it employs when it receives “a request from an authorized entity” in that jurisdiction.

A source speaking under the condition of anonymity told The Hindustan Times said that Twitter decided to restore the accounts after concluding that the content withheld was “speech and newsworthy.”

The Indian government then lashed at Twitter, saying it may take action against the company if does not comply with its orders. A statement said:

Twitter cannot assume the role of (a) court and justify non-compliance. […] Twitter being an intermediary is obliged to obey the directions as per the satisfaction of authorities as to which inflammatory content will arouse passion and impact public order. Twitter cannot sit as an appellate authority over the satisfaction of the authorities about its potential impact on derailing public order.

Among those suspended from Twitter on February 1 was India's prestigious magazine The Caravan. The publication's executive editor Vinod K. Jose told Buzzfeed news that Twitter's decision to withhold their official account is the “latest in a long list of targeted attacks” that had been mounted on the publication for pursuing important stories.

Activists and organizations that have been posting updates from the protests were also caught on the Twitter crackdown on Monday. Some of them were large popular accounts, such as @Tractor2twitr, @Kisanektamorcha, and @bkuektaugrahan.

The mass suspensions were deplored by the global media watchdog Reporters Without Borders, who labelled it as a “shocking case of blatant censorship”. The organization added: “By ordering these blockings, the Home Affairs Ministry is behaving like an Orwellian Ministry of Truth who wants to impose its own narrative about the farmers’ protests.”

Many journalists in India have also condemned the action, such as Sania Farooqui:

Today's special in Censorship Nation: Twitter India blocks multiple accounts https://t.co/klpkuWmrUz via @geetaseshu

— Sania Farooqui (@SaniaFarooqui) February 1, 2021

Notable journalist Rana Ayyub tweeted:

We are talking about Emergency in Myanmar but nobody is talking about the undeclared emergency in India. Journalists, activists charged with sedition for reporting on the farmers protest, their twitter accounts suspended, the world cannot afford to ignore this dictatorship

— Rana Ayyub (@RanaAyyub) February 1, 2021

Farmers joined in sit-in protests near the capital. 5 December 2020. Image via Wikimedia Commons by Randeep Maddoke. CC0 Public Domain.

Hundreds of thousands of farmers in many parts of India have been protesting against liberalizing agriculture reforms approved by the country's parliament in September 2020. Farmers’ unions and organizations say the reform, which among other measures removes subsidies and protections against big corporations, will endanger their livelihoods.

Thousands of farmers have camped for months outside New Delhi demanding the laws be repealed. Authorities have filed several sedition charges against activists and journalists since the demonstrations began, and have imposed internet shutdowns.

The protests drew global attention this week after international popstar Rihanna tweeted about the issue:

why aren’t we talking about this?! #FarmersProtest https://t.co/obmIlXhK9S

— Rihanna (@rihanna) February 2, 2021

The following day, Meena Harris, the niece of United States’ Vice President Kamala Harris, also took to Twitter to condemn the internet shutdowns.

And on February 4, Swedish climate activist Greta Thunberg expressed support for the protests on a Twitter thread in which she also shared a “protest toolkit” — a document with resources for those wanting to familiarize themselves with the farmers’ or help with organizing.

The Delhi police then said it will investigate the toolkit's authors, who are thus far unknown.

Many Indians, including politicians, Bollywood stars, and cricketers condemned the tweets by foreign personalities.

In a statement released on February 3, India's Ministry of External Affairs also commented on the foreign personalities’ expressions of support: “The temptation of sensationalist social media hashtags and comments, especially when resorted to by celebrities and others, is neither accurate nor responsible.”

Originally published on Global Voices

Flood-prone lands at an embankment in Bangladesh. Image from Flickr by Rezwan. Used with permission.

The monsoon season has arrived in South Asia and has already ravaged large swathes of farming and urban areas, leaving millions who were already suffering the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic in financial ruin.

Approximately 10 million people in India, Bangladesh, and Nepal have been affected by monsoon floods in 2020, the worst flooding since 1998. Over 550 people have died as a result, while over a million have been displaced or marooned.

One-third of Bangladesh was underwater after torrential rains caused 53 rivers to overflow in June, when Bangladesh was just beginning to recover from the devastation left by Cyclone Amphan in May.

Expat Bangladeshi M. Jubair Ahmed posted some images of flooding in the southern parts of the country:

Flood in Southern part of Bangladesh pic.twitter.com/iEdQOrkVCl

— M. Jubair Ahmed (@MJubairAhmed1) August 21, 2020

Journalist Rafiqul Islam Montu wrote on the GainConnection website that:

Villagers lost their livelihood and have found no work, hence no income. Unemployment is rising. Cyclone affected families are struggling to get their daily food. There is an acute shortage of drinking water as well. The COVID-19 pandemic has made things worse, as relief supplies are affected. The west coast of Bangladesh is facing multiple disasters.

The voluntarily repaired #embankment was washed away by the pressure of the tide. People are floating in the water again. The embankment that collapsed in Cyclone Ampan was repaired at the initiative of the villagers. Picture of the west. #coastofBangladesh.@third_pole pic.twitter.com/EJMgN5qgcp

— Rafiqul Montu (@ri_montu) July 24, 2020

According to Bangladesh's Ministry of Agriculture, BDT 13.23 billion (US$ 156 million) worth of crops have been damaged, and approximately 257,148 hectares of farmland submerged by floodwaters, affecting over one million farmers.

According to UNICEF, more than 3.3 million people in Bangladesh, among whom 1.3 million are children, have been rendered homeless or are living in hazardous, unsanitary conditions.

The devastation comes at a time when emergency and health services are overwhelmed with responding to the COVID-19 epidemic. 

The impact of India's water management

India has built over 5,000 dams and embankments on transnational rivers, with many of these affecting the flow of water o Bangladesh. In the dry season, rivers such as the Teesta are reduced to narrow streams.

When India opens its floodgates during the monsoon season, the added pressure causes erosion on river banks, affecting nearby settlements. Bangladesh has several longstanding issues with India around the sharing of water. The latest agreements signed in 2019 between India and Bangladesh have been met with criticism from Bangladeshi citizens who say the arrangements favor India, which possesses a natural advantage as rivers headwaters are located within its borders.

Experts blame India for prolonged flood in Bangladesh https://t.co/LYeeiY73Gk pic.twitter.com/w4kWWydjdd

— South Asian Monitor (@S_A_Monitor) August 17, 2020

Two-step trigger system

This year, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) worked with International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) and the Bangladesh Red Crescent Society (BDRCS) to implement a new model of anticipatory humanitarian action that aims to distribute humanitarian aid to potentially affected populations before a disaster strikes.

The program has a two-step trigger system — a pre-activation trigger, based on the GloFAS forecast, and an activation trigger, based on the Government of Bangladesh's Flood Forecasting and Warning Centre (FFWC). After the two triggers have been activated, the government distributes allocated funds accordingly.

It's finally happening! They call it #anticipatory #humanitarian #action. Interesting.. but what happened to Disaster Risk Reduction #DRR as a term?
Faster than floods: How to prevent a double disaster in Bangladesh https://t.co/vZt0WQucbi

— Minna (@MinnaAja) August 19, 2020

On July 4, severe flooding was forecast for the approaching weeks along the Jamuna River.

The United Nations promptly released US$ 5.2 million from its Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) for distribution among the communities most likely to be affected by the floods.

Recipients of the funds can then prepare by purchasing food, medicine, and reinforcing their homes before the flooding occurs.

Raquib Rony, who works at the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies Bangladesh office, tweeted:

81179 tube wells were damaged by the on going #floods in #Bangladesh. With the support of @IFRC, @BDRCS1 started to provide tube well disinfection services where the water receded. Families do not need to worry to go other places to collect drinking water.?BDRCS #Jamalpur Branch pic.twitter.com/cl3QaFTyfk

— Raquib Rony (@RaquibRony) August 20, 2020

Climate activist Greta Thunberg announced in a July 28 tweet that she will donate 100,000 euros to BRAC, ActionAid Bangladesh, and other humanitarian organizations in Bangladesh and India working in the field:

Right now millions are suffering from extreme flooding fuelled by the climate crisis in India and Bangladesh – already hit by the devastation of cyclone Amphan and COVID-19.
My foundation will donate €100.000 prize money to BRAC, Goonj, Action Aid India- and Bangladesh. 1/3 pic.twitter.com/oOMZ3jrhsV

— Greta Thunberg (@GretaThunberg) July 28, 2020

Since July, Bangladeshi students have been participating in a digital campaign in partnership with Fridays For Future — Bangladesh, the national chapter of Thunberg's climate movement, posting portraits of themselves holding placards with demands and slogans such as “no future under water” and “mother nature shouldn't be drowned.”

#RT @GretaThunberg: RT @FFF_Bangladesh: Today's, FFF Barishal has addressed the biggest problem facing Bangladesh right now in their online strike. They want Permanent solution & recovery for flood affected people. @GretaThunberg @Fridays4future #Digi… pic.twitter.com/VL2TbluCWK

— Travis 4 Climate? (@Travis4Climate) August 15, 2020

For many Bangladeshis, however, such tragedies have become normalized, cyclical events that people endure every year:

“Every time a flood comes, it destroys our house, crops and takes the lives of many. Everything is washed away by the mighty river Padma, leaving us without shelter, food or livelihood. But life goes on.”https://t.co/RyUoCMet45

— The Third Pole (@third_pole) August 15, 2020

Originally published on Global Voices

Hospital beds with oxygen support. Image by Silas Camargo Silão from Pixabay. Used under a Pixabay License.

Since Sunday, May 31, after a two-month long nationwide lockdown was lifted, Bangladesh has witnessed a record number of deaths due to COVID every single day. At present, official figures show that there are 87,520 confirmed cases and 1,171 deaths, though real figures are believed to be higher. As massive commotion and crises sweep through the country, public healthcare systems are failing largely, resulting in no signs of the COVID-19 contraction curve plateauing.

Incompetency of public healthcare amid the pandemic crisis

On June 8, when a virtual high court headed by Justice M Enayetur Rahim inquired about the healthcare facilities in the country, the Department of Health released the following information: there are only 1,000 intensive care unit (ICU) beds for a total population of 165 million, combining the capacity of the public and private sectors. According to reports, there are no ICU facilities in 47 districts out of 64 districts in Bangladesh. This huge shortage of intensive care units means that a lot of people in critical conditions have to delay treatment amidst the surge of Covid-19 -patients.

Journalist Shuprova Tasneem tweeted:

DGHS response to High Court order. There are only 733 ICU beds in government hospitals. This is what decades of underfunding the health sector, mismanagement and corruption does. Our health system is not equipped to deal with this health crisishttps://t.co/w2dm42Rd6u

— Shuprova Tasneem (@ShuprovaTasneem) June 10, 2020

On June 12, 2020, Maria Taha from Chittagong was seen pleading for her Covid-19 infected father on Facebook :

একটা icu কেউ manaz করে দিতে পারবেন
আমার আব্বুর জন্য

Can anyone help secure an ICU bed for my father?

A few hours later she updated her post announcing the death of her father:

লাগবে না ICU. আর

We won't require an ICU. Anymore.

Md. Atiqur Rahman reacted to Maria Taha's situation:

চট্টগ্রাম এ চিকিৎসা সংকট নিয়ে বেশ কয়েকদিন ধরেই নানান খবর পাচ্ছিলাম। দিন দিন তা যে আরও খারাপ/প্রকট হচ্ছে তার-ই নমুনা এই ঘটনাটি। না, এটি কোন বিচ্ছিন্ন ঘটনা নয়; এটাই স্বাভাবিক ও তিক্ত সত্য।

We were getting bits and pieces of news about the crisis in public health in Chittagong due to covid-19. It is becoming worse day-by-day and this incident is a testimony to that. This is not an isolated situation; this is the new normal and a bitter truth.

There is also a shortage of oxygen in hospital, because a number of affluent people are stockpiling oxygen cylinders in fear of Covid-19, thus failing the public health system. Since Bangladesh depends greatly on imports to sustain medical supplies, which have been temporarily stopped, the shortage of oxygen-providing equipment in public hospitals is a real challenge. Providing oxygen is one of the main methods of facilitating treatments for COVID-19 patients.

As netizen Masud Karim tweets:

#Oxygen price shoots up astronomically, traders manipulate cylinder rate, rent as demand rises during #Covid19 crisis, writes #KamrunNahar https://t.co/V05zrTE7IJ #Bangladesh #FE via @febdonline

— masudkarim মাসুদকরিম (@urumurum) June 7, 2020

The suffering isn't limited to coronavirus patients, however; non-COVID patients with respiratory diseases are also being denied treatment as fears of them being asymptomatic carriers of the virus lingers around.

Insufficient protection for frontline medical professionals

Frontline doctors and medical professionals are similarly falling victim to the faltering state of the nation's current healthcare systems. As many as 1,169 doctors got infected till the second week of June, 2020 and 35 doctors died from COVID-19.

Insufficient supply of Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) in the country means more doctors and nurses are at risk. There are no available statistics as to how many medics are under treatment, observing home quarantine, or have been infected, but this is bound to become a colossal issue to handle.

“#Nurses & #midwives are #frontline healthcare workers resonding to #COVID19, and this means they must protect themselves. They must have proper #PPE. They should also have the proper training on how to use PPE effectively.” – Dr Dewan Emdadul Hoque, @UNFPA #Bangladesh pic.twitter.com/mEP0eKNEKm

— UNFPA Bangladesh (@UNFPABangladesh) June 6, 2020

Bangladesh lifts lockdown amidst surging number of infections

Despite the surging number of Covid-19 cases, Bangladesh lifted its lockdown on May 31, 2020. Experts say that the infection numbers were on the rise because the several phases of lockdowns, which were termed general holidays, were not strictly followed.

On June 13, 2020, entrepreneur Nazmul Hossen Shwroz informed on Facebook that Bangladesh has surpassed China in the total number of confirmed coronavirus cases:

করোনা আক্রান্তের সংখ্যায় চীনকে ছাড়াল বাংলাদেশ..!

গত বছরের ডিসেম্বরের শেষ দিকে করোনাভাইরাস মহামারী শুরু হয়েছিল চীন থেকে। সেই দেশটি একে একে ১৮টি দেশের পেছনে পড়ে গেল। এবার আক্রান্তের সংখ্যায় তাদের পেছনে ফেলল বাংলাদেশও।

Bangladesh has surpassed China with the number of Covid-19 affected people (ranking 18th).

Covid-19 started in China last December. In 18 countries of the world, the number of infected is more than China now.

Is zone-wise lockdown the answer?

On June 10, Supreme Court Advocate Manzil Morshed filed a writ petition on behalf of lawyer Mahbubul Islam seeking a complete lockdown in Dhaka to curb the coronavirus transmission.

Since June 9, 2020, Bangladesh started testing a system of zone-wise lockdown marking regions in red, yellow and green depending on the severity of COVID-19 contraction by the locals, in order to limit the transmission of the virus. A region is marked as a red if 40 out of 100,000 people in the area tested positive for COVID-19. These red zones are put under strict lockdown whereby people are not be allowed to leave their homes, and gates are closed to outsiders.

The crowded Rohingya Refugee Camps in Cox's Bazar have also been put under close-guard as the number of corona-positive cases crossed 35, with approximately 5 officially-recorded deaths.

Filmmaker Shafiur Rahman tweeted:

Here is a list of the instructions being implemented in the #RedZone of Ukhiya. These affect the #Rohingya #refugee camps. https://t.co/UyYRoUaiqR#COVID19 #bangladesh

— Shafiur Rahman (@shafiur) June 8, 2020

However, the implementation of the zone-wise lockdown will be challenging as Dr Parvez Reza tweets:

? A resident attempts to escape the red zone in East Rajabazar, an area put on total lockdown to stem the spread of COVID-19. @dailystarnews #CoronaVirus #Bangladesh pic.twitter.com/qA0q2AliP0

— Dr. Parvez Reza (@DrParvezReza2) June 11, 2020

Translation of the notice: The department of health has designated East Rajabazar area as Red Zone and declared a lockdown to stop the spread of Covid-19 infection. GOING OUT IS FORBIDDEN!

The national advisory committee on COVID-19 has recently suggested that the lockdown should cover as much of the risky zone as possible to limit the spread of the coronavirus. The full implementation of the area-wise lockdowns in the country is scheduled to begin by mid-June.

Netizen Soykat Bin Rahman tweeted:

As coronavirus cases and fatalities continue to rise in Bangladesh, the government has taken all necessary preparations to bring hotspots (red zone) under lockdown and will declare closure in those areas to prevent entry and exit.

— ?? Soykat Bin Rahman ?? (@MdShaheenPervez) June 13, 2020

Dr. Ashikur Rahman thinks that Bangladesh needs a strict lockdown:

Bangladesh needs to impose a strict lockdown before this #Covid-19 wave turns into a Tsunami. Time is no longer a luxury as people are dying on the streets. I hope and pray a policy correction happens. #Bangladesh

— Ashikur Rahman (@Dr_Ashikur) June 13, 2020

Originally published on Global Voices

Bangladeshis on social media protested Kajol's disappearance holding a banner, “Where is Kajol”. Image via Instagram by theawkwardbibliophile. Used with permission.

On March 9, Bangladeshi photojournalist Shafiqul Islam Kajol, who is the editor of the fortnightly publication Pakkhakal, was charged with defamation. A day later, he went missing from his office in Hatirpool. When he was found alive 53 days later in Benapole, near the border of Bangladesh with India, police sent him to jail for ”trespassing.”

It’s not clear how he ended up there on the border, around 250 kilometres from where he went missing, but Amnesty International expressed concerns that this was potentially a case of enforced disappearance.

‘He is alive and fine’

The news of his return arrived coincidentally on World Press Freedom Day, celebrated on May 3.

After a night of high drama, it appears Kajol is alive! His son Polok spoke to him in the early hours of the morning. What better news to have on World Press Freedom Day! #whereiskajol #disappearance #journalist #photojournalist #photographer #editor #writer #father #bangladesh pic.twitter.com/WkcdQyN7Jg

— Shahidul Alam (@shahidul) May 3, 2020

On May 3, in the wee hours of the morning, Kajol's famlily received a phone call from a duty officer from Benapole Police Station. After confirming the filing of a complaint, the phone is handed over to Kajol.  “I recognized him through his voice, we were all listening,” his son, Monorom Polok, mentions in a Facebook live video as he sets off for the destination Benapole, Jashore.

He is alive and he is fine.

Kajo's family and supporters, however, did not get to rejoice at his return for long enough, before he was sent to jail.

The same day of his return, a new case was filed against him for “trespassing” into the borders of Bangladesh without a passport or visa, for which he was later granted bail. Subsequently, Kajol was arrested again under section 54 of the Code of Criminal Procedure , which allows the police to arrest anyone without a warrant. According to Jashore Kotwali Police Station OC Moniruzzaman, he was arrested under section 54 because he has three cases under the Digital Security Act. He was sent to Jashore Central jail where he will be under quarantine for 14 days “as a precaution against COVID-19 infection”.

Handcuffed photos of Kajol being escorted by the police circulating around social media caused rage among his supporters.

Since March 10 the question had been: Where is Kajol?
Now the question is: Why is he handcuffed? #WorldPressFreedomDay2020 pic.twitter.com/cwWDjrsE95

— Leesa Gazi (@LeesaGazi) May 3, 2020

Currently, there are four lawsuits filed against him, three of which are identical under the controversial Digital Security Act 2018 for a report published by Daily Manabzamin, on March 2, regarding the arrest of Shamima Noor Papia a leader of the Jubo Mohila League in Narsingdi, an affiliate organization of the ruling party, on the charges of prostitution and extortion. The report mentions that Papia told investigators, during interrogation, that 30 influential bureaucrats and politicians including members of parliaments frequented her prostitution and extortion racket. The lawsuits also mentioned that the report was shared individually on social media by Kajol and other of its co-authors suggesting some names without evidence, which was considered part of the offences.

It is found out from family sources that now, due to the closing of courts for the COVID-19 pandemic, they are unable to file for Kajol’s bail.

What happened?

On March 9, Saifuzzaman Shikor, Awami League MP of Magura, filed a case against Shafiqul Islam Kajol and 31 others, including Daily Manabzamin Editor Matiur Rahman Chowdhury, under the Digital Security Act. An officer of Dhaka's Sher-E-Bangla Nagar police station informed reporters that they have been charged with “spreading confusion by publishing false, fabricated and defamatory news.”

The next day, on the eve of March 10, Kajol went missing from his office, on Meher Tower at Hatirpool. A CCTV footage obtained by Amnesty International on their Twitter account shows a group of men tampering with his motorbike while he is still inside the building. Sometime later, when he drives away from the spot, it can be seen that the same group of men leave at the same time, following his direction.

On March 23, Sushmita S. Preetha wrote in an Oped on The Daily Star:

The (Manabzamin) report itself did not name any of these lawmakers and others, but it was later shared by some, including Shafiqul, on social media with a list of names.

Mysteriously, following his disappearance, his Facebook posts from this year have also disappeared. In fact, the last post that can still be accessed on his page dates back to November 27, 2019. According to a report by Prothom Alo, many of the missing posts involved the arrest of Jubo Mohila League leader Shamima Nur Papia.

When Kajol went missing, his family tried to file an abduction case, but two police stations refused to take the case, citing jurisdiction issues. They were finally able to lodge a complaint with the Chawkbazar police station on March 18, following a suo moto order from the High Court asking the police why it had not filed a case yet.

After fifty-three days his family came to know that he was found, however, a new case was filed against the photojournalist for breaching section 54 of Code of Criminal Procedure, for “illegally trespassing” into the borders of Bangladesh from India without a passport.

Symbol of the press freedom of Bangladesh. We found a journalist (Shafiqiul Islam Kajol) backed handcuffed after he was missed two months ago. #FreeKajol pic.twitter.com/iihwTtOn28

— Saif Hasnat (@saifhasnat) May 3, 2020

Saad Hammadi, South Asia Campaigner for Amnesty International, tweeted:

Caught between dignity and freedom is a journalist and father who has refused to trade off one for the other and has chosen the long haul to fight for both! Meanwhile, some of us have seen a son give his all to find his father back without giving in to any pain or pressure! ? pic.twitter.com/mDrWI2f2CY

— Saad Hammadi (@saadhammadi) May 3, 2020

The long wait

Monorom Polok, upon the disappearance of his father, started the #whereiskajol movement on Facebook and Instagram and Twitter. In light of the current pandemic, different social media platforms were used as prime tools to address the concern. Resistance was built through art, words, live Facebook discussions, and also through live poetry recitations by Kajol’s 11-year-old daughter, Poushi. Approximately hundreds of people around the world participated in a digital human chain. They shared photos of themselves holding a paper to their chest that said “Where is Kajol”, urging others to do the same.

Bangladeshis on social media protested Kajol's disappearance holding a banner, “Where is Kajol”. Image via Instagram by Sofia Karim. Used with permission.

A virtual exhibition – titled Last Man Standing – was organized with the lifelong works of photojournalist Kajol. Literature from the exhibition read:

Kajol's work is the stark reminder of resilience and his disappearance is perhaps the price of his uncompromising lens towards social distortion. We demand the return of the last man standing.

Bangladesh’s position on press freedom

The Digital Security Act on the basis of which three of Kajol’s cases were filed, has nationally and internationally drawn criticism and concern about press freedom from the time it was announced in 2018.

Time and again, a different journalist is prosecuted, or reported missing after encountering miscreants or people who claim to be from law enforcement agencies. Receiving frightening phone calls and murder threats keep the nation's media persons wary, making them vulnerable to attacks.

Mohona TV journalist FM Mushfiqur Rahman is one of the latest reported cases of disappearances. He  went missing in August last year. He said that some people sprayed a liquid substance on his face which made him unconscious while he was in a public transport. He was later beaten severely by his abductors and a few days later he was found by a local mosque imam in Sunamganj while crying for help.

Bangladesh has dropped one spot since last year in RSF’s 2020 World Press Freedom Index, ranking 151st out of 180 countries. Last year, a Bangladesh-based human rights organization, Odhikar, recorded 104 cases of attacks against journalists and media.

Originally published on Global Voices

A Shidhulai Swanirvar Sangstha floating school boat. Screenshot from YouTube video by Great Big Story.

Shikkha Tori, which literally means ‘the boat of education’, is an innovative program by non-government organisation BRAC that allows children living in some of the most flood-prone and low-lying regions in Bangladesh to attend boat schools. 

One-third of Bangladesh, especially its northeastern areas, is only one metre above sea level. These wetlands, locally known as haor, become vast stretches of water during the monsoon season and remain flooded for around 7 to 8 months a year. During this season, roads are submerged leaving students from poor families without access to traditional schools.

However, non-profits such as Shidhulai Swanirvar Sangstha, and later BRAC, began introducing boat schools as a way to bring the classroom to the children. These boats also serve as a water bus that pick up students directly from their homes.

The idea for the boat school came to Mohammed Rezwan, founder and executive director of Shidhulai Swanirvar Sangstha, because of a childhood memory. He grew up in a region prone to flooding and was only able to get to school during the monsoon season on a boat his family-owned. However, many of his childhood friends were not as fortunate.

I thought, if the children cannot come to school because of floods, then the school should go to them by boat.

With aid from organizations like the Global Fund for Children and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, the first boat school set sail in 2002.

The number of primary school-going students in the country is over 9 million, while the total number of government and non-government primary schools is only around 110,000. The country's wetlands are home to around 20 million people, and it is an area where less than 1% of the population complete secondary school.

BRAC, the largest NGO in Bangladesh, also began running boat schools in 2012 as a part of their education project. 

Floating schools by Shidhulai Swanirvar Sangstha have reached over 80 thousand students since the program's inception, and BRAC's boats have reached 14 thousands more. Both of these initiatives played a role in bringing up the level of school attendance.

Floating School in Bangladesh. Almost 80,000 children already have taken education [level IV] from here since 2002. This type of 25 floating boats are very active in Pabna, Natore and Sirajganj districts in 8 different rivers by SSS- Shidhulai Swanirvar Sangstha. pic.twitter.com/oscfetxmRx

— Riton Quiah (@fixerBD) November 6, 2019

While these schools may not take place behind the four walls of a traditional classroom, students from these programs have proven to be as competitive as other students in the country.

Some BRAC boats house mini-libraries, science corners, and feature laptops with internet connection while some Shidhulai Swanirvar Sangstha boats have rooftop solar panels that power the boat at night and allow working students to attend class.

Great Idea: In flood prone Bangladesh Shidhulai Swanirvar Sangstha operates 54 floating schools and medical clinics while working with local communities to build floating farms. https://t.co/SUbND30tZU pic.twitter.com/VctJEKH80r

— Jennifer Feeney (@JenniferFeeney) October 9, 2019

Teachers are recruited from the local community and are trained to talk to students about their mental and physical growth, the effects of climate change, and different ways to protect the environment.

To overcome this, one local charity has decided to take the classrooms to the students in the form of schools on boats. This boat is one of 23 floating year-round schools in this part of #Bangladesh run by Shidhulai Swanirvar Sangstha, a local nonprofit group. pic.twitter.com/z6MO9smkfl

— Suresh C (@SrshC) September 12, 2018

HundrED.org shares an article about the boat schools:

“BRAC Boat Schools are the product of a simple yet powerful idea: if children living in isolated areas cannot go to school, then the school should go to them.” @BRACworld transforms the lives of children in regions prone to flooding. Find out how! https://t.co/nqTxkJgA4D pic.twitter.com/Cd9FK4Dmo8

— HundrED.org (@HundrEDorg) May 7, 2018

The concept of boat schools has now been taken up by other developing countries such as the Philippines, Cambodia, Nigeria, Vietnam and Zambia. 

Originally published on Global Voices

A Bangladeshi bride in a wedding dress. Image via Flickr by MD. Hasibul Haque Sakib. CC BY NC 2.0

On 25 August 2019, a High Court in Bangladesh ordered the country's government to replace the word kumari’(virgin) with obibahito (unmarried) on marriage certificates. The verdict came after a five-year-long legal battle, and have been hailed a landmark victory for the equal rights campaigners.

In the South Asian country, the solemnization of Muslim couples in a ceremony of Nikah (meaning Muslim marriages) are performed by government-assigned Marriage Registrars keeping in accordance with the Muslim Marriages and Divorces (Registration) Act, 1974. Apart from a few amendments made to the Act, the rituals have been carried out in a similar the same manner over the years.

Gender equality in Bangladesh… The High court ruled Sunday that Virgin — or Kumari in Bengali – will be replaced with ” unmarried “
Other 2 options on form, ” divorced and widow will remain…..welcome judgement

— TK Rangarajan (@tkrcpim) August 28, 2019

In 2014, three civil rights organizations — Bangladesh Legal Aids and Services Trust (BLAST), Naripokkho and Bangladesh Mohila Parishad — filed a writ petition that challenged clause no. 5 of the prescribed marriage registration form, also known as Kabin-nama. The Kabin-nama is a written document that is signed by two Muslim partners that, under the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance 1961, is legal evidence of their civil union and lays out the rights and obligations of the bride and groom. Clause no. 5 of the form requires a bride to specify whether she is kumari, widowed or divorced. The groom is not required to make a similar statement. In the writ submitted to the High Court, the campaigners stated that the clause “perpetuates discrimination between women and men and results in violation of Articles 27, 28, 31 and 32 of the Constitution.”

They further proposed the replacement of kumari with the term obibahito. In the old Bangla language, kumari signifies the state of being unmarried; however, it also connotes the alternate meaning of being a virgin. The commonly used ‘obibahito’ is a very specific term meaning unmarried. On 14 September 2014, the High Court bench of Justice Naima Haider and Justice Md. Jahangir Hossain made an official inquiry to the government in order to ask why the use of kumari should not be deemed discriminatory against women, and the amendments mentioned in the petition be implemented. After holding the hearing, the verdict was given by the High Court on 25th of August 2019.

The verdict is hailed as a landmark victory for the organizations that campaigned for the deliverance of the lawsuit. On the authority of the new law, the groom also has to state if he is unmarried, widowed or divorced.

After the verdict, Aynun Nahar Siddiqua of Bangladesh Legal Aids and Services Trust (BLAST) spoke with the Daily Start about how there were no changes brought about to the Kabin-nama (which was designed during the Pakistan regime in the 1960s) even after the independence of Bangladesh in 1971.

In another interview with the Thomson Reuters Foundation, she said, “It's a ruling that gives us the belief that we can fight and create more changes for women in the future.”

Netizens took to social media to comment on this latest decision. Rahat Mustafiz at Women Chapter blog writes about the common desire of some Bangladeshi men to marry virgins:

বর্তমানে কিছুটা শিক্ষার আলো পাওয়া বাঙালি মুসলমান এখন সাদা কাপড় বিছিয়ে রক্তের পরীক্ষা নিতে শরম পায়, কিন্তু মনে মনে আশা করে অল্প বয়সী কুমারী, যার যোনি পর্দা নিশ্ছিদ্র ও অটুট আছে। এবং যে তরুণীর ভেতর আর কোনো পুরুষ প্রবেশ করেনি। মূলত এই টাইপের চরম আধিপত্যবাদী পুরুষতান্ত্রিক রাজনৈতিক সেন্স ও কনশাসনেস থেকে আমাদের মেলশোভিনিস্ট আইনপ্রণেতারা “কুমারী” শব্দটা কাবিননামায় অপরিহার্য করে তুলেছিলেন।

Now a days educated Bengali Muslim men do not dare to test brides (like old days) whether she is a virgin using a white cloth, but they secretly desire his bride to be a young virgin whose hymen is still intact. Mainly out of this male chauvinistic sense and consciousness our patriarchal lawmakers made the word “kumari” essential in Kabin-Nama.

Samina Anwar gives the examples of Prophet Muhammad on Facebook:

(in those days) Prophet Muhammad (SAW) did not go after “virgins”. He was after rescuing (widowed) women and taking care of them. This was how broad-minded Prophet Muhammad (SAW) was.

How many Muslim men these days would marry a widow or a divorcee? If one is to follow the real sunnah – are men not supposed to follow what Prophet Muhammad (SAW) practised?

Some people raised the question of whether it was necessary since kumari generally only held the old meaning of being unmarried in the Kabin-nama.

Mohammad Ali Akbar Sarker, a Muslim marriage registrar from Dhaka, told the media:

I have conducted many marriages in Dhaka and I have often been asked why men have the liberty to not disclose their status but women don't. I always told them this wasn't in my hands. I guess I won't be asked that question anymore.

The changes are due to come in effect starting mid-October.

Originally published on Global Voices

Rickshaws in Dhaka. Image by blackthorne57 used under Creative Commons license (CC BY-NC 2.0)

Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh, is known as the bicycle rickshaw capital of the world. In the past five decades, rickshaws have been integral to Dhaka's commuting and short-distance travel. Dhaka is one of the most densely populated cities in the world and it has long struggled to handle the increasing volumes of traffic.

A ban on rickshaws from traversing three major expressways came into effect starting on 7 July in an attempt to address the increasing traffic congestion in the city. However, the ban was met by protests from rickshaw pullers and some commuters. The decision to ban bicycle rickshaws from some major roads has caused many to debate the traffic issues affecting the capital and question the lack of alternatives for commuters.

Eco-friendly, but a traffic nightmare:

There are an estimated 600,000 rickshaws in the city, though less than 100,000 are licensed. They are eco-friendly, slow, and less prone to accidents. But the mixture of rickshaws, auto-rickshaws (or three-wheelers), motorcycles, buses, and cars on the road makes for chaotic and unpredictable traffic. There are often no separate rickshaw lanes separating this slow traffic on most of Dhaka's roads.

Rickshaw traffic in Dhaka. Image via Flickr by Sandro Lacarbona. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

The authorities barred all cycle rickshaws and other unauthorized motorized rickshaws such as battery-operated rickshaws in three important roadways and decided to replace them with extended bus service.

Is a ban on rickshaws the solution?

Subsequent to the announcement, public controversy surfaced as several thousand rickshaw-pullers took to the streets to protest and others expressed concern through their social media platforms. For several days, the demonstrators occupied major roads causing severe congestion that spilled over into nearby areas.

Rickshaw-pullers’ strike to protest ban#Dhaka #Bangladesh #rickshaw pic.twitter.com/qGTmHzSZlr

— munware alam nirjhor (@munwarenj) July 9, 2019

#Bangladesh Ban on rickshaws in parts of capital #Dhaka brings rickshaw pullers on the road to #protest, roads blocked and office goers suffer pic.twitter.com/1R8bHwzrv9

— Redwan Ahmed (@redwanxyz) July 9, 2019

#Rickshaw_pullers in #Dhaka_Bangladesh demonstrating on the streets protesting ban on major roads. pic.twitter.com/YUbISBRslc

— Rashad Ahamad (@RashedRatan1) July 8, 2019

The Rickshaw-pullers are saying that the ban was passed without providing an alternate income or income rehabilitation program for them.

Govt authorities impose a ban on the movement of rickshaw on certain streets of the city without

1. Ensuring a proper income rehabilitation programme for the rickshaw pullers and their family.
2. Ensuring an… https://t.co/aSTRWwZsOL

— Zulfiker Hyder (@ZulfikerHyder) July 9, 2019

Besides rickshaw-pullers, the owners who make a living from renting these three-wheelers also joined the demonstrations and held press conferences putting forth an ultimatum for the official withdrawal of the ban. They complained that the authorities did not talk to them and arbitrarily imposed the bans.

Commuters also expressed their frustrations regarding the difficulties they will face while traveling, suggesting other measures that could have been taken instead of (or prior to) imposing the ban out of the blue, such as providing a rickshaw lane or creating better public transportation systems, while limiting the number of private cars allowed on the road.

Facebook user Dewan Maruf Shuvo writes:

রিকশা বন্ধ হয়ে গেলে আমি চড়ব কিসে, এটা যেমন চিন্তার বিষয়। তেমনি এই লক্ষ লক্ষ মানুষের কর্মসংস্থানের কথাও চিন্তা করা লাগবে।

If Rickshaws are banned I need to find out what alternative ways I can commute. And we need to think of alternative incomes of these hundreds of thousands of people (rickshaw pullers).

In a separate argument, experts and urban planners stressed having an “integrated communication system” based on multi-mode transport, stating the need for adequate alternatives to rickshaws as a mode of public transportation.

Bangladesh Institute of Planners (BIP) organized a press conference in the capital to collectively discuss the outcomes of the announced ban. At present, rickshaws account for approximately 40 percent of Dhaka's transportation methods, its usefulness contributes to its widespread popularity.

Although making roads off-limits to rickshaws can be a temporary remedy, traffic congestion will not ease up if the restriction is not imposed on private cars.

On the other hand, people supportive of the decision laid out a different set of arguments in favor of the ban on social media platforms.

Facebook user Sumon Khan wrote:

#রিকশা জাস্ট মেইন রোডে চলাচল নিষেধ করা হয়েছে। মেইন রোড থেকে ২৫/৩০ ফিট ভিতরে গলি রয়েছে সেখানে চালানো তো নিষেধ করে নাই। তাই না জেনে মন্তব্য, সমালোচনা করা ঠিক না।

The Rickshaw ban is only meant for the main roads. There are many lanes and sub-lanes where they can still ply (in short distances). So get all the information before criticizing something.

Mohammad Tauheed, a TED Senior Fellow and the Academic Coordinator at Bengal Institute myth busted some of the opinions floating on social media:

রিকশা মিথ

১. রিকশা জরুরি:
মোটেই না। ? হাঁটুন! ঢাকা শহরের সকল রিকশায় চড়া দূরত্বই হাঁটার যোগ্য দূরত্ব। [..]
২. রিকশা গরিবের বাহন:
রিকশা ভাড়া উবার প্রিমিয়ামের কাছাকাছি এখন [..]
৩. রিকশাওয়ালারা গরিব, অসহায়:
রিকশাওয়ালারা তেমন গরিব নয়। তাঁদের মাসিক আয় ২০ হাজার টাকার উপরে, যা অনেক চকচকে অফিসে নতুন যোগ দেওয়া স্নাতক বেতন হিসেবে পান না। [..]

Rickshaw myths:

1. Rickshaw is necessary:
Not at all! ?Just walk! The short distances you ride on rickshaws are walkable.
2. Rickshaws are commuters for the poor:
Rickshaw fares these days are are close to the rate of Uber Premium.
3. Rickshaw pullers are poor, helpless:
Wrong. They are not that poor. Some of them earn more than 20,000 BDT (USD $237) per month, which is more than the salary of a graduate joining a new job.

The authorities have urged the rickshaw-pullers to stop protesting and invited them for more discussions. They also vowed to make Dhaka rickshaw free in the next two years.

The 20.10 kilometers long Dhaka's Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) metro rail service is expected to open on 2021. Until then, the solution to the complex traffic problem in Dhaka would remain elusive.

Originally published on Global Voices

Image Credit: Rashed Alam, Bangladesh Surf Girls And Boys. Used with permission

About 6 years ago, Bangladeshi surfer Rashed Alam and his wife, Venessa Rude, started up an initiative to teach a group of young girls to surf. In the face of very conservative ideas about gender norms, this was a big step to take for both the couple and the girls themselves. Today Bangladesh Surf Girls and Boys has grown into a local club with 30 boys and 12 girls and operates at the small coastal town of Cox's Bazar in southeastern Bangladesh.

According to UNICEF, Bangladesh has the fourth highest prevailing rate of child marriage in the world, with about 22% of girls married off before they reach the age of 15. Outside the more progressive cities, female children are often considered burdensome when it comes to financially securing their families. Every day dozens of women get harassed on the streets and some even become victims of acid attacks among other forms of violence. For these women, early marriage or finding work as a housemaid is the most pragmatic aim in life.

The free-spirited girls who dared to surf & dream in male-dominated Bangladesh. Then: https://t.co/KNWQ3DjLE1. Now: https://t.co/KNWQ3DjLE1. pic.twitter.com/LgqzAPvJ2C

— Ben Salt (@_bensalt) August 10, 2017

Born to a destitute family, Nasima Akter became homeless when she was 7-years-old after refusing her parent's demand that she earn money through prostitution. She found hope in surfing the waters of Cox's Bazar and later emerged as the first Muslim surfer girl in Bangladesh. Nasima joined the local Lifesaving and Surfing Club and was trained by surfer Rashed Alam. Her story came to eminence through the documentary The Most Fearless filmed by California-based documentary filmmaker Heather Kessinger.

Most girls at Cox's Bazar are deprived of education at an early age and are driven into the working world to support their families. Many of the girls hustle to earn a few dollars by selling jewelry or snacks to tourists on the beach and the weight of their families weighs down heavily on their shoulders. Alam, who comes from the same background, came across a group of eight girls, aged between 11 to 14-years-old, who spent their days in the same daily struggle that he experienced. He became like an elder brother to them.

Rashed Alam training surf girls. Image Credit: Rashed Alam, Bangladesh Surf Girls And Boys. Used with permission

The girls watched Alam in awe as he smoothly glided through the waters of the Bay of Bengal on his surfboard, and upon him returning to the shore, one of the youngest among them, named Shoma Akter, boldly approached him and said, “I want to do that.” Alam told the L.A. Times that this encounter was the beginning of his project.

Alam and Venessa became role models for these girls, looking out for them and making sure that they were safe at the beach. They had to convince the girls’ parents that there was a future for them outside of the home.

 

View this post on Instagram

 

#tbt It feels just like yesterday that Johanara was selling eggs to support her family on the beach. And now she is surfing on a shortboard and teaching other little girls to surf! We are so proud of her and the courage she has at overcoming the many obstacles she faces with being one of the few female surfers in the country. Thank you to all who have dreamed with us and supported us!??‍? . . #bangladeshsurfgirls #dreambig #oneday #girlssurftoo

A post shared by Bangladesh Surf Girls And Boys (@bangladeshsurfgirlsandboys) on Feb 28, 2019 at 3:54pm PST

The young surfers began stealing an hour or two to practice late in the mornings and kept it secret for weeks before telling their families. In most cases, parents reacted disapprovingly upon learning about their daughter's new hobby out of fear for their reputations.

In February 2015, after arriving in Bangladesh to document their stories, photographer Allison Joyce and Venessa Rude started a GoFund me page to cover the cost of food supplies, transportation and tutoring fees — a step which allowed the girls to enroll in school and continue surfing without pressure from their families.

Alam gave the girls lessons on CPR and rescue to open the door for them to become lifeguards when they turn 18. In the afternoons, Venessa tutored the girls in English, a skill that would allow them to land tourism or office jobs.

Here is a video from the Bangladesh Surf Girls And Boys Blog:

Global Voices contacted Venessa Rude to get an update of the surfing girls and she mentioned that there are about 75 active Bangladeshi surfers in Cox's Bazar, and out of those, 12 are girls (all from Bangladesh Surf Girls And Boys Club).

On several occasions, the girls have been belittled by the men in their community who find it unacceptable for them to practice a sport in the waters; however, the spirit and fearlessness of the girls have always showcased how women can push back against societal norms. “No one is used to seeing confident girls like this,” says Venessa.

The media attention has opened the windows to brand new opportunities such as an ICT workshop to enhance their skills in digital literacy organized by the Microsoft Bangladesh team:

Find out how Microsoft designed an #ICT workshop for #Bangladesh Surf Girls to equip them with basic literacy skills https://t.co/xEW5rnvoKJ pic.twitter.com/PSRoVWq7Kt

— Microsoft Asia (@MicrosoftASIA) December 26, 2016

Surfing has not only allowed them to retain a piece of their childhood but they now confidently dream of securing a bright future for themselves — dignified jobs, education and the ability to marry whenever they want. One of them currently aspires to be a doctor, while others dream of being professional surfers or lifeguards at the beach.

Venessa has the latest updates:

Currently, our oldest girls are helping give surfing, lifesaving, and skating lessons to our younger girls and boys. Over the years, some of our older girls have been married off or sent off to garment factories to work. It just became too hard for them to pursue surfing and have people harass them, but we still have a few of our original girls left, and Rashed is having them train younger girls so that they have a bigger team and can work together.

A group of “Hijras” in Bangladesh. Image via Wikimedia Commons by USAID Bangladesh

For the first time in Bangladesh's history, transgender candidates who identify as women can vie for the 50 seats reserved for women in the upcoming elections in the Jatiya Sansad or National Parliament.

The election schedule is due to be announced on 17 February, and so far, eight members of the transgender community have been confirmed as running on the Awami League party ballot, which is the first and only political party in the nation to allow this.

The Bangladesh National Parliament has 50 seats among a total 350 reserved exclusively for women, according to article 65 of the national constitution. In Bangladesh, transgender people are categorized as “hijra” (a term referring to a member of the third sex) on their national identity card. However, there is no specific provision in the constitution that prevents members of the hijra community from running for the 50 reserved seats. According to Election Commission Secretary Helaluddin Ahmed, any eligible woman, including hijras who identify as women, can qualify for the reserved seats.

For Falguni, one of the eight transgender candidates, running for office means representing the whole transgender community:

We are citizens of Bangladesh but we have no representation in the parliament. There is no one from our community who can understand and raise our concerns. That is why we are running for the seats.

Of the 16 million people in Bangladesh, an estimated 10,000 to half a million belong to the transgender community. Although there is legal acceptance of the transgender community by the Bangladeshi Government, transgender people have faced discrimination and a tremendous amount of disapproval, often falling victim to hate crimes and violence. In the past, employment was denied and many people tried earning money by begging or by singing during weddings and childbirth.

Pinky Shikder, chief of Badhan Hijra Sangha, said:

When my parents came to know about my sexual orientation they beat me every now and then and forced me to give up my feminine qualities.

They said I was bringing shame to the family. Finally, I decided to leave my house and live with other transgender people.

Rupa (not her real name), one of the many survivors of child abuse, told a reporter of The Dhaka Tribune:

My father used to tell me that I am abnormal. He used to say abnormal people do not need any treatment; he said it would be better if I died.

.@NHRCB adresses child rights issues and rights of minorities and other vulnerable groups. #Bangladesh is a multi ethnic and multi cultural country. #Hijra community is still often harassed due to an absence of clear identification guidelines for this community. #Presessions pic.twitter.com/oRf29Bge2z

— UPR Info (@UPRinfo) April 12, 2018

On November 11, 2013, the hijra community was officially recognized as a separate gender by the nation's government. This step was mainly taken as an aim to remove the socio-economic barriers to the community and to end their discrimination in education, health, and housing.

A year later, on November 11, 2014, thousands of Bangladeshi transgender people wearing colorful sarees marched the first ever Pride parade in the country to mark a year since their official recognition as a third gender. The streets of Dhaka were filled with colors and the sounds of joy as they carried a huge Bangladeshi flag and banners, one of which read: “The days of stigma, discrimination and fear are over”.

Celebrating ‘ Third gender (Hijra) Pride 2014′ in Bangladesh. Image by Sk. Hasan Ali. Copyright Demotix (10/11/2014)

Since then, the transgender community has been making strides towards carving out space for themselves in Bangladeshi society. On December 2014, the Ministry of Social Welfare invited the community to apply for government jobs.

On July 2015, after Labannya Hijra witnessed the murder of a secular blogger Washikur Rahman by Islamist radicals on the streets of Dhaka, and successfully helped in the arrest of the perpetrators, the Bangladesh Government announced plans to recruit and enlist hijras as traffic police officials.

On July 1, 2018, Tanisha Yeasmin Chaity became the first transgender official in Bangladesh's state-run human rights watchdog – the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC).

All these events have been widely rejoiced by not only Bangladeshis but by people around the world. Below Twitter users describe their support for the Bangladeshi transgender community:

Good news. Keep moving forward, Bangladesh! https://t.co/qr0O6KB1Kf

— Azam KhAN (@AzamAzamjj) January 20, 2019

WOOHOO! Bangladesh Gets Its 1st Transgender Pride Parade http://t.co/4DuXo4ISF5

— alllies (@liemasterX) November 23, 2014

Ahmed Imtiaz Samad wrote in Facebook:

Kudos!
wind of change, may PM select atleast 1 from 8 nomination of transgender applicant for 50 reserve seat at National Parliament.

Hasanul Mokaddes wrote in Facebook:

I don’t know if it’s true I don’t know if this will happen but all I know is it’s about time that we move forward together as humans. The thought of equality for all irrespective of their gender, cast, race, ethnicity or orientation makes me proud to be a citizen of Bangladesh #eqaulityinBD

However, Ishti Sajid questioned their competency:

Nice initiative but would have been much better I think if they were groomed first rather than as just positioning as a puppet on the parliament!

Awami League-led 14 party alliance had a landslide victory on the national elections of 30 December 2018. Of the 50 reserved women's seats, they have 43. It is still to be seen how the party, and the transgender nominees running on their ticket, will do in this year's election cycle.

Shahidul Alam (left) and Arundhati Roy (right). Image from Flickr by Christopher Michel and UCL News. CC BY and CC BY-NC-ND.

On November 14, 2018, a day before the PEN International's Day of the Imprisoned Writer, Indian author Arundhati Roy wrote a letter to the award-winning Bangladeshi photojournalist Shahidul Alam, following the completion of the 100th day of his incarceration. Shahidul Alam was subsequently released on bail and had written back another letter to Roy in response. Both of these were published as open-letters and have since been widely publicized, with numerous media outlets featuring them on the opinion sections of their news coverage.

Shahidul Alam, an eminent photographer, social activist, and teacher from Bangladesh had been picked up by at least 20 officers from his home in Dhaka at about 10 AM on August 5, 2018, hours after his interview with Al Jazeera had been broadcasted. The next day he was charged under Section 57 of Bangladesh's Information Communications Technology Act for making ‘provocative’ comments against the country's government on the subject of the student protest for road safety, which lasted from July 29 to August 9. His counsels submitted a bail petition on August 28 but he was denied a few times and a long legal battle ensued while his supporters all over the world demanded his release.

It is one hundred days since the award-winning photojournalist Shahidul Alam was arrested without a warrant. A group of South Asian writers and activists here urge Sheikh Hasina and Bangladesh Government to release him immediately:https://t.co/2KMHhKPDrw

— Ramachandra Guha (@Ram_Guha) November 13, 2018

Following Arundhati's letter, 34 prominent South Asians, including writers, historians and actors signed a letter to Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina calling for the unconditional release of Shahidul Alam.

The arrest also sparked outrage among supporters who then organized numerous protests, solidarity rallies and online campaigns demanding the justice be served. The Shahbag Square in Dhaka swelled with people chanting slogans as a public gathering titled “Let democracy be free” was held on September 9, in protest of the imprisonment of Shahidul.

“Let Democracy be free”. An innovative protest in Shahbag Square in Dhaka, demanding the release of Shahidul Alam. Image by Pranabesh Das, used with permission.

Arundhati Roy mentioned in the letter her deep concern for Shahidul, having feared the worst when news channels first broadcasted the details of his arrest. She also expressed her strong disapproval and anger towards the ICT laws of the country. Arundhati wrote:

Section 57 potentially criminalizes all forms of speech except blatant sycophancy. It is an attack not on intellectuals but on intelligence itself.

After spending months behind the bars, Shahidul was released on November 20, 2018, five days after the High Court granted him permanent bail. Although the charges are still held against him, he cannot be imprisoned without a court order.

Iconic shot of Bangladeshi photojournalist and rights activist Shahidul Alam, shared by the #FreeShahidul campaign. He finally got bail today after more than 100 days in prison, accused of spreading propaganda. He was arrested after posting on Facebook about protests in Dhaka. pic.twitter.com/tgg87ODfgn

— Poppy McPherson (@poppymcp) November 15, 2018

Shahidul wrote in his letter to Arundhati that despite the tremendous efforts that were made to prevent his release, victory was still on his side. “…we held hands and sang songs as I left the jail gate,” inscribed Shahidul.

In his response, Shahidul Alam highlighted that what made the letter from Arundhati special was that, unlike other letters sent to the Prime Minister which called for his freedom, this had been addressed to him in particular.

He describes his encounter with different people, emotions caused by living away from the comfort of his home, his goldfish and his wife Rahnuma, and his experience of the jail routine. He also writes about the collective grief, legacies, and struggles that he and Roy both share.

As Arundhati had concluded her letter yearning to witness better days, Shahidul sent an assurance on his, with lots of hope:

But yes, Arundhati, the tide will turn, and the nameless, faceless people will rise. They will rise as they did in 1971. We will have secularism. We will have democracy. We will have social equality. We will win back this land.

Supporters worldwide shared and retweeted the letters, a token of Shahidul and Arundhati’s comradeship and mutual appreciation of each other’s work.

Amal Nassar, a permanent representative to the ICC of FIDH, tweeted:

“the tide will turn, and the nameless, faceless people will rise. They will rise against the entire state machinery”.
A beautiful letter from Shahidul Alam to
Arundhati Roy with reflections on his time in prison, from which he was released in Nov. 2018. https://t.co/CK4UPhoeuJ

— Amal Nassar (@AmalNassar_) January 12, 2019

Arabindu Deb Burma from Tripura, India tweeted:

The life of Tripuris in India is no different from that of Bangladesh. We are on the same situation now suppressed and oppresses yet we leaved in so called democratic country. https://t.co/HomevSFUVD

— arabindudebburma (@arabindu) January 12, 2019

Bangladeshi American poet Thahitun Marium said:

I really enjoyed this exchange, especially him writing about people he met in the jail who reminds him of characters from Arundhati’s book. Shahidul is a beautiful soul.

— Thahitun Mariam (@thahitun) January 9, 2019

Australian activist Tasneem Chopra tweeted:

This brought me to tears. Utterly raw. https://t.co/6v979nyO9Y

— Tasneem Chopra (@TasChop) January 13, 2019

As more and more Bangladeshi journalists are self-censoring themselves out of fear of repression, Shahidul's words should encourage them to carry on:

The case against Shahidul still hangs over my head and the threat of bail being withdrawn is the threat they hope will silence my tongue, my pen, and my camera. But the ink in our pens still runs.